OH-008-1-1a In this recording, Melo Kasuang sings a song about sago processing. She says this song is how elders would sing to the younger children to teach them how sago is processed. She shares how the same song can be addressed to children of different tribes or non-tribal people. The first paragraph is addressed to Puroik-adufu and Puroik-adumui, meaning sons and daughters of the Puroik. The second paragraph is addressed to the Harang or non-tribal children and the last is addressed to the children of Bulue or Nyishi people. OH-008-1-1b This is a second recording of the same song with adjusted settings on the recorder to capture clearer audio and prevent ambient noise. Melo Kasuang sings the same song once more. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-1-1a (00:00:00) Puroik song about processing the Palm. (00:00:45) Explanation of the song's lyrics. OH-008-1-1b (00:00:28) Introduction of the speaker and the song. (00:00:46) Puroik song about processing the Palm.

Prior to this short recording, many people had gathered in the house upon the request of the interviewer. Upon request, Dangma Kasuang sings multiple songs about the life of Puroik people in the past. She also recites Mabey, which is a lyrical narration of the oral history of the Puroik people. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:04) Song by Dangma Kasuang in a group setting, followed by a discussion and suggestions by other people. (00:00:51) Another song by Dangma Kasuang, followed by discussion by other participating people. (00:02:41) Mabey (lyrical narration of the Oral history) by Dangma Kasuang. (00:03:58) Mary Kasuang summarising the meaning of the songs sung by Dangma Kasuang. [00:04:20 to 00:08:29 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:08:29) Mary Kasuang practises a song about life in the past for the Puroik people. [00:09:20 to 00:11:28 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

In this recording, Dangma Kasuang sings a song about Metchi (the Palm) in Puroik language. She sings about the process of extraction of sago, taking us through each step till cooking the sago. She sings another song about how the Puroik people leave early in the morning to make sago and after processing, they keep eating sago. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:38) Dangma Kasuang sings a song about how the Palm sago is processed. (00:01:40) Translation of the song by Padue Kasuang. (00:02:35) Dangma Kasuang sings another song about the use of the Palm by Puroik ancestors. (00:03:18) Translation of the song by Padue Kasuang.

Dangma Kasuang hails from Hanche village, only a few metres away from Byale village, where she has lived since her marriage. She had previously named a variety, Matchichuik, which is one of the rarer varieties and so, in this interview Mansi and Chintan are asking her about Matchichuik. She also describes another variety called Nilau. These two varieties were uncommon among the cultivators in Byale village. Dangma Kasuang shares that Matchichuik was sought because it has a good amount of sago and contains less fibre, making it easier to process. However, only one or two clusters of the variety may be cultivated or found in one's grove. It is medium in height and has shorter and thinner leaflets. The sago is the same as other varieties, red-orange in colour. Similarly, she recalls a variety Nilau, which she was unsure about where to find but could be searched while walking through the groves. Nilau also had shorter leaves. Krii-amui, or the Sun goddess, had given the Palm and all its varieties to the Puroik people at the time of partitioning of foods in the beginning. Krii-amui had also given Mithun, and instruments called Gaygong, Belek and Rairyu, some of which were taken by the Tiger. She goes on to clarify that the growing environment of these two varieties and age of maturation is not much different from the most common variety, Matchisik, and by extension true for all other varieties. These Palms are maintained at the household level and also a family may eat sago by processing one of their own Palms. Time-stamped section headings (00:01:08) Background of the speaker (00:02:12) Description of the variety Matchichuik. (00:09:44) Discussion about the origin of the variety Matchichuik. (00:15:54) Description of the variety Nialu. (00:21:22) Discussion about the origin of the variety Nilau. (00:27:07) Growing environment of the two varieties and norms around sago-making in the past.

In this recording, Dangma Kasuang says the Puroik name of Job's tears grain she grows in her jhum field. It is called Sabaai in Puroik. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Pronunciation of Puroik name for Job's tears grain, Sabaai.

Dangma Kasuang sings a song in Puroik language. The song is about the process of felling the Palm, chipping the bark, cutting it into logs or pieces, carrying it to the Kaiko (processing station) to first shred it, beat it, dissolve it in water, filter the fibres and sediment the starch. The song was sung in a gathering of a dozen people and translated by one of the people in the same group, recorded in file OH-008-2-5b right after the song. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-2-5a (00:00:34) The beginning of the song. OH-008-2-5b (00:00:00) The translation of the song.

File 1 In this interview, Padue Kasuang shares his knowledge of the Palm, its cultivation, phenology, and ecology, his earliest memories of making sago and also the oral history associated with the Palm. He also discusses other important food plants that Puroik people forage or cultivate. He stresses the reliability offered by the Palm as compared to grains such as rice and the importance of continuing the planting and maintenance of the Palm. In addition to raising the Palm, he shares that he also does jhum farming, including a new cash crop, cardamom. From day-to-day, he shares that he mostly consumes sago and rice sometimes. He describes the different varieties of the Palm, average yield from a Palm stem and how the Palm sago and sago from Muang (a tree fern) and starch from Tabua may be cooked for consumption, Mraak (prepared dough) being the staple dish for most people. A bamboo variety called Micha, forms the best accompaniment with Mraak in the form of fermented roasted shoots, called Marung, he adds. He then explains the differences in sago quality of the varieties and describes the steps in processing starch. He talks about a variety of the Palm, called Kamachyang metchi, which is considered as the Palm of the sky. He explains the origin of this variety and the norms associated with it. He shares the tale of Puroik ancestors Do and Sulo, their spirit descendants – Meerua and Matchisik, the origin place of the Palm, the tale of the Tiger as the elder brother and the stolen instrument, Gaygong.

File 2 This recording is a continuation from the previous one. Padue Kasuang shares about a Sarai tree that fell upside down in Pulosang during a tornado and started growing like that. He goes on to explain how cultivators take care of their Palms, and describes the life-cycle and growing environment of the Palm. The undergrowth in a Palm grove is discouraged by clearing it annually and laying the old leaves of the Palm on the ground, for example. Doba Kasuang joins to share the visible signs of maturity in Palm stems, when it can be harvested. A stem, they say, bears nearly three leaves a year. Padue Kasuang lists the differences among the different varieties of the Palm in terms of fibre and starch content, and its appearance as well. He describes the inflorescence of the Palm, its appearance and succession of multiple inflorescences. The fruit is consumed by animals and the seed of the Palm is dispersed in the forest, he adds. He deliberates on the time investment and strategy in vegetative propagation versus seed propagation for the Palm. He also shares how the different parts of a Palm can be used for various purposes, such as making brooms, waterproof cover for backpacks, roofing for houses and for harvesting larvae from the rachis of leaves of the Palm.

File 3 Padue Kasuang talks about the best season for replanting young suckers of the Palm, the season when it flowers, and fruits. He spends some time discussing the variety Machyong, considered to be dispersed out from the grove by animals. The Palm is also fed to domestic pigs and goats. The leaves of the Palm are eaten by Mithun. He deliberates on the suitable growing environment of the Palm. He shares how he started learning to make sago, how the Palm groves must be maintained and protected and the knowledge he inherited from his parents. He considers the future of the Palm, expresses a strong sentiment of not letting the Palm disappear and encourages continued reliance on the Palm for his kids.

Time-stamped section headings File 1 (00:00:24) Motivation and necessity for documenting oral history of the Puroik people and aspirations for its preservation in the future. (00:01:54) General questions about his early life and his village. (00:07:38) Recounting his childhood memory of making sago while wearing hand-woven cloth of the Puroik people. (00:09:26) Sustenance practices in the past and present, sentiment of preserving the Palm into the future. (00:15:59) Naming the multiple varieties of the Palm he cultivates, the average yield from a single stem and ways of preparing and consuming sago and other ancestral foods. (00:23:49) Steps involved in extracting sago, gender roles in the preparation. (00:29:14) Comparison of sago from different varieties in terms of sago colour, starch quality, ease of preparation and yield. Discussing abundant, rare and ancient clusters of the Palm, including a Palm of the sky, Kamachyang metchi. (00:36:54) The origin place of the Palm, as it appears in the oral history of the Puroik people. (00:44:34) Story of tiger, the elder brother, and the tale of fight among the two brothers. (00:48:46) Lyrics of a Puroik song capture the foods given to different groups of people at the time of creation. (00:50:17) Continuing the Oral history, reason for fight among the two brothers, why the tiger stole an instrument called Gaygong. (01:01:05) About the rules around Kamachyang metchi and traits of vegetative propagation.

File 2 (00:00) Discussion about Kamachyang metchi and a tree that flew to Byale during a cyclone/tornado and is growing upside down. (03:16) Specific questions about maintaining palm groves, their inheritance, palm phenology, and growing environment or ecology of the Palm. [Archivist's note: Doba Kasuang joins in the discussion intermittently.] (14:38) Comparison of varieties based on fiber, leaf, trunk, fruit, and flower morphology. (16:54) About 'Taale metchi', a Wallichia sp. [00:22:48 to 00:26:19 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (26:30) Palm phenology and vegetative propagation of the Palm. (29:52) Dispersers and predators of the Palm (31:12) Discussing various uses of the Palm and its different parts both for food and more than food, including the host for some larvae that are consumed after harvesting from the pith of the trunk of the Palm.

File 3 (00:00) Season of replanting suckers, more on palm phenology and (03:17) Making sago from wild clusters, a variety called 'Machyong'. (05:04) Sago as fodder for pigs and goats. Mithun consumes the leaf of the Palm. (06:35) Specific questions about his association with the Palm and Palm groves. Recollecting he started helping with making sago when he was 3-4 years old, about the age of his second youngest son. Recounting his childhood memories with his parents. (11:59) Growth environment of the Palm, rocky environment, its water requirement and rooting network. Comparing the effect of the Palm on the soil with the effect of the banana on the soil. (14:13) Planting strategy and maintenance of palms in the grove. (18:17) Trying to remember a song about the Palm and discussing preference for sago.

In this interview, Padue Kasuang speaks of important plants for the Puroik people. He says that Metchi (the Palm), Muang (edible tree fern) and Tabua (an edible fern) are the most important plants for the Puroik. He says these plants are the oldest sources of food for the Puroik people and he emphasises that foods like rice may disappear some day but these foods will remain. These, he shares, have enabled them to survive. While the Palm is used most commonly for food, the other two also remain important. They take a little longer to prepare, hence people prefer the Palm sago, he says. The staple dish is Mraak, which is a dough prepared from the sago by adding boiling water. It is complemented with Marung, which is fermented roasted bamboo shoots. He goes on to describe the process of preparing Marung. Palm sago is best combined with Marung or meat and other leafy vegetables are not a great match with it. Marung is made from a variety of bamboo found in the forest, called Micha, which fruits once after two human generations and sends new shoots in the month of August. Speaking of the different varieties of bamboo found in the mountains, Padue Kasuang names two kinds of Micha bamboo – Fugyu Micha that grows across from the village and Maduong Micha that grows high in the mountains – as well as some planted varieties – Mabya, Madə and Hajo, and a few other varieties growing in the forest such as Mijaik, Maikruey (high elevations) and Mua Micha (high elevations), Kosak, Fakka, and Madə-bua. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:37) Important plants for the Puroik people. (00:03:45) Micha bamboo lifecycle and making of Marung – a dish made from Micha bamboo shoots. (00:09:21) Varieties of bamboo found in the forests and planted near villages.

In these files, Padue Kasuang helps create a glossary of Puroik words related to the Palm. The Palm is called Metchi in Puroik and sago is called Bey. Beginning with names of varieties, this session spans Puroik names for different parts of the Palm, phrases and verbs for the cultivation of the Palm and processing of its sago, and the tools involved in this process.

File 1 In this recording, Padue Kasuang pronounces all varieties cultivated in Byale village and discusses the etymology for some of the variety names. The forest is referred to as Marua in Puroik and the Palm emerging by itself in the forest is called Machyong. He helps enlist the Puroik words for Palm grove, one's portion of the grove etc. For each part of the Palm indicated, like stem, parent stem, cluster, young suckers, roots, outer covering of the stem, etc., he teaches the Puroik name for it one by one, as well as their correct pronunciation. There are words for the leaf, petiole, leaf bud, fruit, flower, inflorescence, and seed of the Palm. This is followed by terminology for sago processing, including the verbs for planting new suckers, preparing the stem for processing, carrying a felled stem to the processing station, and use of various tools to extract the starch from the pith.

File 2 In this recording, he names all the parts of a processing station. The station itself is called Kaiko, and has distinct spaces for shredding the stem, beating the fibres, dissolving the starch in freshwater, filtering out the fibres and allowing the starch to sediment. He explains the setting and the names associated with all these spaces. Padue Kasuang also explains how to say the activities associated with different processing stages in Puroik. It also includes the names of some insects that lay eggs and complete larval development in the fibrous residue after processing. There are a set of nouns and verbs associated with cooking sago in various forms and its different steps, which are discussed along with suitable accompanying foods with sago.

File 3 In this recording, he shares the words for preparing sago as fodder for livestock.

Time-stamped section headings

File 1 (00:00:27) Glossary of different names and vocabulary associated with the Palm. Names of the varieties of the Palm raised by the speaker. (00:10:21) Words for Palm growing in the jungle vs raised in a grove, words for Palm grove. (00:15:00) Words for the Palm's structures like stem, cluster, young suckers, roots, outer covering, fibres, leaf sheath, leaf, leaf bud, fruit, flower, inflorescence/peduncle, seed etc. (00:50:00) Terms associated with planting new suckers and processing sago, including the tools used in the extraction process.

File 2 (00:08:13) Parts of a processing station. (00:11:11) Activities associated with collecting extracted sago. (00:19:02) Names of insects that live in fibrous residues. (00:21:25) Vocabulary of cooking sago, including a kind of ladle used for the process, and different ways to cook sago.

File 3 (00:00:12) Words for sago as fodder for livestock

File 1 In this short recording, Padue Kasuang says the names of two rice varieties cultivated in the jhum fields, Langbuk and Rungchi. He says that these two names have been carried from the time these varieties were brought from the sky at the very beginning.

File 2 In this recording, Padue Kasuang re-iterates the two names for rice varieties, Langbuk and Rungchi multiple times to help the listeners with correct pronunciation of these Puroik names. He also adds again that these varieties were brought in the beginning from above (sky) and have been called by these names since. Towards the end, the speaker and interviewer clarify the pronunciation of Rungchi.

File 3 Padue Kasuang says the name of three varieties of millet grown in jhum farming, while showing some grains of each. Boyank-Tamai, Maitya-tariya Tamai, Maitam-talam Tamai. Tamai is Puroik for millet. These three varieties look very different from each other. Padue Kasuang says that there are many more varieties of millets. The discussion also leads to some other jhum crops like Sabaai (i.e. Job's tears), which is a single variety and the flowers of another plant, Sanje Mare, which are used for making a garland.

File 4 This recording is a word list of Puroik names for components of the environment, including the Moon, the Sun goddess, sunshine, night sky, starry night, the Palm, place or land, farm, referring to old or past time, and something new.

File 5 This word list includes the Puroik words and phrases for past time, cooking rice, de-husked variety of rice from non-tribal areas, millet, black, rice grain, rice flower, different stages of rice growth, elderly lady, old man, tool for grinding rice grains to de-husk them, tool for winnowing rice, the basket for rice, dog, basket for carrying firewood, star, brightest star, dim star, shooting star, Palm grove uphill, across and downhill, jhum field uphill, across and downhill, Muang (the edible tree fern), cat, tiger, and deer.

Time-stamped section headings

File 1 (00:00:00) Names of two rice varieties cultivated in the jhum fields.

File 2 (00:00:00) Names of two rice varieties cultivated in the jhum fields.

File 3 (00:00:00) Re-iteration of the names of two varieties of rice cultivated in jhum fields to understand their accurate pronunciation.

File 4 (00:00:00) Word list for Puroik common names for celestial objects, Moon, Sun, OH-

File 5 (00:00:00) Puroik word list for common names for some food grains and plants, elder people, tools used in daily life, celestial objects, Palm groves, jhum fields, directions and some animals.

In this recording, Padue Kasuang is narrating a few events from the Oral history. Initially, he refers to fire taking refuge in bamboo and a white stone at the time of a fight between water and fire. Then, he recalls an unrelated event, a time when night fell during the day, for about twenty minutes. He remembers that time to be many years ago, when he and his wife had eaten their first meal and were preparing to leave for their farm. He vividly recalls that birds from all over were going helter-skelter, shrieking and scurrying. He says that when night falls during the day, the spirits in the higher elevations shoot arrows of fire to save the Sun goddess, Krii-amui. For this, the humans also must keep screaming. Krii-amui, he says, is being eaten by Tamə, the one who makes night fall during the day. He mentions a couple of rituals necessary to save oneself at such a time. One must not directly look towards the Sun and a domestic animal like a pig or a house dog must be sacrificed and their blood should be applied to oneself. The animal's bones may also be kept in a basket and shown towards the sky. If this is done, he says their eyes will not be snatched. He also warns that maximum fighting happens between younger and older brothers and sisters during this time. This, he shares as the story he has heard and has been passed on from elders. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Referring to the fire, and its refuge in bamboo and a white stone. (00:00:24) The speaker's experience of an eclipse and his sharing of the associated Oral history.

OH-008-3-6a This word list includes Puroik and Nyishi names for otter, tiger, bear, leopard cat, dhole, barking deer, and red goral. OH-008-3-6b This word list includes Puroik and Nyishi names for Himalayan serow, gliding squirrel, monkey, langur, Masked palm civet, Orange-bellied squirrel, Large Indian civet, hog badger, pangolin, Yellow-throated martin, weasel, pika, house rodent, big jungle rat, small red rat, and White-bellied mouse. OH-008-3-6c This recording begins with the Puroik and Nyishi names for White-bellied mouse, which has certain rules around its consumption. The rest of the animals include another white-bellied rodent with large ears, an odoriferous animal, bat, Brush-tailed porcupine, Himalayan porcupine, and shrew. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-3-6a (00:00:00) Puroik and Nyishi names for animals. OH-008-3-6b (00:00:00) Continued word list for Puroik and Nyishi names for animals. OH-008-3-6c (00:00:00) Continued word list for Puroik and Nyishi names for animals.

In this message, Padue Kasuang explains his motivation for documenting the oral history of his people. He expresses concern over its possible disappearance and affirms his belief that, through this research, it can be preserved for his children and for future generations. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Message in Puroik towards the Oral history collection at the Archives at NCBS.

File 1 Ashok Kasuang was born and brought up in Byale, as multiple generations of his family before him. The village is Byale, the people's title or family name is Yakli or Kasuang. There are three villages where Kasuang people live: Byale, Wagyong and Surung. To avoid confusion, as suggested by Kamin Dolo, the people had the surname Byale, even in some of their documents. Now, they are changing it back to Yakli. He shares that the Puroik people have cultivated the Palm since childhood, since the beginning. All their ancestors have also consumed sago. He shares how the Palm is vegetatively propagated. He goes on to tell the Puroik words or phrases associated with the Palm and its processing.

[Archivist's note: Yakli is the Nyishi name for Kasuang people.]

In Puroik, clearing the surroundings is called Metchi joik. When someone decides to process sago, they go to their groves and choose a stem that has flowered and fruited, which is then felled. Metchi uve is the name for the fruit in Puroik and Metchi alak, translates to more starch. The edible portion of the Palm, the starch, is called Bey. After it is felled, it is called Metchi key. To open the outer covering of the stem is said as Metchi aka-fa. To cut the stem into pieces is called Metchi khyei. The one whose pieces have been made, is called Metchi khyei. Then it is cut in a specific manner so as to make indentations on the stem with the machete, sharp first cuts, so that it's easy to chip off the outer layer of the stem. That is called Metchi ruik (shows in action how it's cut). After that, it's called Metchi chua. After that, with the machete, the entire outer covering is removed, at which point it's called, Metchi pag.

Then, he shares that a rope is tied around the stem and carried to a place where there is water. He reiterates that a freshwater source is absolutely necessary for the processing, even if far. There is a processing station for the Palm, called Kaiko, where everything is gathered to process sago. Stems are brought here. With a tool made of bamboo and wood, the fibres of the Palm are shredded. The wood stick is called Frekhyu and the bamboo piece is called Sakhyauk. The bamboo portion is used to shred the stem. The bamboo must be sharpened at the edge. The knife used for sharpening is called Khyokiyei, Sakhyauk kiyei. After the whole stem has been shredded, we use another tool made of wood. He shows the tool he has made and had kept close by in the house. It's called Waag and is used to beat the fibres. The tool is used in a typical movement of the foot and hand, they work in coordination.

After beating the fibres, they are dipped repeatedly in water to dissolve the starch. Then there is a need for a filtering device. Ashok Kasuang shares that earlier, they used to make their own filter from Arai (Puroik name for cane) but these days they purchase a netted bag from the market. It's called Riyek. When the beaten fibres are dipped and the starch is dissolved in the water, it's called Metchi sə or Bey sə. Then, a platform is made to collect the starch in, called Vaa. That was also made from bamboo earlier. These days also some people make it, but more people use cloth from the market, which is spread to collect the starch in the final process. To spread Vaa, and hold it, the person must make a support with wood and bamboo and place it on top of Vaa. It's called Vatua. After the whole process is completed, the starch gets sedimented. After letting the water flow from above, the starch or bey gets collected, sediment in a powder form. The water above the sedimented starch, which is thrown, is called bey kua pi pau. After the water has been thrown, the starch needs to be mixed well by hand, for it to get harder. Otherwise, it is difficult to load it in the basket. So, in a round motion of the hand, the starch is mixed and collected and put in the basket. Then, he shares that in the evening, a basket is carried back home.

He shares further that when it's cooked, its name changes. Till this point in the processing, the starch is called Bey. To cook the sago now, one must put a pot of water over the fire. It needs to be hot, boiling water. Then, the Puroik used to make something like a bucket by hand, called Kala, also made of bamboo but not in use anymore. A bit of bey is taken and mashed nicely by hand and mixed with cold water to make a runny paste or slurry. Then, the hot boiling water is poured on it and a spoon-like tool called Kakui is used to mix it. It is moved in a circular motion. At this point, when it's ready, it's called Mraak, i.e. after it's cooked. Then, it's transferred to a plate, it's called Dalaa. That also used to be made by people with local materials. Then people would put some Mraak on it, sit together and eat. It is eaten along with an accompanying broth. When dipped in the broth of the boiled meat or vegetables, Mraak is easier to eat. It's tasty also. There are more ways to cook sago. If not cooked this way, it can also be cooked as Beykaap. In the powder state, it must be ground by hand very finely and put in a hot pan. It does not need anything else, except heat it to cook – not even water. Then, he shares, another way to make it is to take a piece of bamboo (bamboo chua) and put finely ground powder in it, and cook it without water by placing the bamboo in the fire. It should be tender (kaccha) bamboo. It's called Beyuvang.

Ashok Kasaung shares that there are many ways in which bey can be cooked, and its tales are many in kind. It's also very tasty and can last all day. He shares another way of cooking it by taking a block of bey and roasting it in the fire. It's called Bey ja. The kind that is burnt and eaten. It must be peeled at the outer layer, which gets cooked and put in the fire again. Then, when all layers have been peeled off one after the other and only a small uncooked morsel is left, it's called Bey kak. He goes on to express that bey is very good to eat. It never leads to illness, or an upset stomach. He shares that rice may sometimes cause gastric problems, but it has never been known to happen after consuming bey. He remembers how in the past, he used to consume only bey and work and walk all day, but it's difficult to manage that way anymore because people are not used to it anymore. In earlier days there was only bey, and so they only ate bey.

He shares that earlier in his village, people did not farm as much. They did only very little farming, they used to ask the Nyishi people for rice. They used to farm a bit, but not year-round and mostly only ate bey. He shares that in the olden days, sometimes, for example, rodents would finish all the rice in their farms, then many men even from Seppa would come up into Puroik villages to ask for bey. He shares that their area has the most Palms and their bey was in much demand.

These days, apart from bey, they consume rice. But also in the jungle, there is Muang (tree fern). He shares that the Puroik people know how to process Muang as well and goes on to explain the process. First, one must cut off the tendril from the top of the tree fern. Then after waiting for 5-6 months, up to a year the tree fern is felled and its bark is chipped off. Then, the stem is cut into pieces. Then they lay a leaf and keep the pieces of the stem on it. It is allowed to rot or ferment and is taken to the Kaiko and stored. It is then beaten with Waag, and put in the basket, dissolved in the water inside Riyek. Water is needed for this process too. Then the edible part of the Muang gets collected. Then the water above the sediment is thrown and the starch from Muang is collected. However, it is cooked differently. In a bucket with water, a stone is cleaned and then put in the fire. It is heated and then put in the bucket full of Muang. It takes the heat from the stone and gets cooked. Then another way to eat it is in a bamboo piece, where some Muang is stuck inside and roasted in the fire.

He speaks of another important food plant, called Tabua. It is cut into thin slices and mixed with ash. This is done to remove the bitterness. It is cooked in boiling water and then consumed. Sometimes, he says, when the rats eat up the rice and a kind of insect eats the leaves of the Palm, such that no starch is stored in the stems, these foods are used. Even the palm gets infested sometimes, it's called Drə. The insect can eat up leaves of a whole grove of the Palm in a single night as it comes in great numbers. In such a time of famine, people rely on Muang and Tabua. They are not consumed much these days, Tabua even less than Muang. However, people preserve Muang and Tabua as it may be useful someday. It is not cut unnecessarily and not thrown away and felled. This is the reason, he says, the Puroik people have no trouble finding food. They won't need to go to the town to get food. The jungle can sustain the Puroik people, he says. That's why the people raise Muang on their land. Wherever it occurs, people clear the surroundings and maintain it. He describes two kinds of Muang as well. One kind which is not edible grows tall and is called Muang Pasai. The edible one is short.

He goes on to share that there used to be groves of Muang, but not common at present. It grows on its own in the jungle and the people don't fell it so that they can rely on it when bey is over. There are some rules to making Muang. For example, on the first day when someone is making Muang, they must have some Arai (cane) and cut a piece of it before cutting a piece of Muang, so that Muang is hard. One is also not allowed to urinate during the process of making Muang, otherwise after the preparation, it will have a fermented taste and bad odour. Once the process is complete, the person can urinate. The process of preparing Muang is about a week long. So, the first day when it's been cut in pieces, it will need to be kept in the jungle. Then, after a week, it rots a bit and then it's taken to the Kaiko. Then it can be made. It takes some time. Metchi, on the other hand, can be prepared in a single day and it will be ready to eat by evening. Both Muang and Tabua don't die, even if they're cut in pieces, wherever the piece falls, a new individual emerges from there. Tabua can be found in most places, except in the higher altitudes.

Ashok Kasuang tells us about the foraged vegetables that are part of the diet. A fern, called Akalama, has two varieties, one of lower elevation and one of higher elevation, called Pokra. Papuato is bitter, it is from the jungle and clears the stomach also. If someone is ill, eating this vegetable will help. It grows on a tree. It is ready to eat during the season, in June-July. That's when it's plucked and eaten, not now. Then among other forage vegetables, some grow near the river, for example one called Langmu, which is a bit irritable to eat. But when cooked, the irritant is lost. It cannot be found randomly in the jungle. It's only found near rivers - lower along the rivers. Among the farmed vegetables, he shares, they eat potato, Laik patta (leafy vegetable), pumpkin and its leaves as well.

He shares the cycle of jhum farming, saying that harvest happens in June-July. In April, they sow rice. They clear the land for jhum three times a year. Once in the beginning, then one more time in the middle and then in the last part of the year. The land is cleared once rice is ready and harvested. Rice takes almost a year, it needs 5-6 months to be ready. In Jan-Feb, people clear their land, and sow rice in April-May. Then, they will clear the land again in June- July and August. In September, rice flowers, and in October, it is harvested. This way, it takes a lot of time to grow. But for bey, he says, it's very short (the time it takes). One can have food to eat in a single day. He shares that his grandparents and earlier ancestors didn't eat anything else, only Bey. And for an accompanying vegetable, they ate fermented roasted bamboo. It is collected high up in the mountains and close by also. After cutting it in pieces, it is allowed to ferment. It's called Marung. That's how people used to keep going. Leafy vegetables are not a match with bey. It must be consumed with meat, fish or Marung. Leafy vegetables are a good combination with rice.

He speaks of the phenology of the Palm, sharing that the time it takes to mature is such that if planted in one's youth, it will mature in their old age. The Palm also needs to be maintained. The surroundings must be cleared once a year. Then it grows faster. It sprouts two new leaves each year. While clearing, using the machete, one would need to remove the extra fibre on the stem and undergrowth next to the cluster. The first rachis that emerges from a young sucker is cut and thrown away. That's how it grows faster. In 10-15 years, or twenty years, it will be ready to harvest, he adds. It can be harvested when it has fruited. When the fruit is small, or if there is only flower, then it's not the best time. He suggests letting the fruit be bigger in size, then there will be more starch inside. During the winter season, the starch content is greater than in the summer season. The stem is also heavier in the winter season. In the summer season, it is lighter. He believes that the reason is that due to the heat, the starch moves from the lower portion to the upper portion. In the winter season, it is concentrated in the lower portion, it's heavier. Sago is also more long-lasting in the winter season after processing.

Bey can be produced all year round. One load of bey may last 4-5 days, 1-2 days or 6-7 days. In the past, he shares, his grandparents used to make bey every day because they had to give half of it to the Nyishi people, while the rest they would eat themselves. Some of it they try to sell. They wouldn't exchange it for money at that time, but for salt. Obtaining salt was not easy in the region. So, they used to get it from far, from China. The Puroik call it napa haung. It used to be black in colour. Even for a little bit of salt, they would have to trade a load of bey. They wouldn't sell it for money in the past, but may trade it for dao (machete), Mithun, pig, cow and hens. They could also buy maala (traditional necklace forming family heirloom). He shares how the Puroik people made their own cloth in the past from a herbaceous plant in the jungle, which is very itchy. If it rubbed past someone, it caused irritation. The method to make cloth was to peel off the outer layer of the stem and extract the fibres. One person can wear one piece of cloth. Men could wear a small piece tied at the waist, descending downward and wrapping it to the other side at the back, like the Adi people. Women could wear a single bigger piece of cloth, called Galle. That cloth is very expensive. Back then, there wasn't any money. Salt, dao, and axes were important items. He tells us that there are people who can make their own axes and dao. These days, he comments, they use things from the town. He remembers how people used to make pots with mud. Bottles were made of bamboo, spoons also were from bamboo or wood- same for most daily use items.

He then shares about the varieties of the Palm he cultivates. Machyong is a variety of the jungle, dispersed by the civet, he says. It is not raised, but if found, is felled and consumed. It's the exact same as the Palm in terms of bey. Another variety is called Beyryong. It's consumed relatively less because the colour of bey is white. It's not good in the staple form of Beyraak (same as Mraak). It's best for roasting and eating. Not many clusters of this variety are raised. It's possible to mix it with the other varieties, but Beyryong alone is not so appealing. The consistency is very watery. The most commonly consumed variety is Metchi. Other varieties include Nichve, and Nija. He goes on to elaborate that Nijvay is not populous but is of good quality. The stem becomes very thick, difficult to lift and carry. Both Nijvay and Beyryong, he shares, have very thick stems. The simple (common) Metchi does not have that girth. It's easier to carry also. He also shares that the starch content of Machyong is good enough but inside it, there is a lot of fibre, it's very hard, so it's not that good. It's very hard when cutting the stem as well. When asked if the time to maturation or maintenance is different for the varieties, he says it's the same.

File 2

Ashok Kasuang shares the multiple ways in which parts of the Palm are used other than for food. The leaves are used for roofing of a house. The leaves can also be used to make a broom. The tip of the stem has Leung to eat. The stem also has a cottony portion, put in the house during construction (most likely on the roof) and is very durable. Apart from these, they make a waterproof covering for the Kadaak (a handcrafted backpack), from a stem layer. He shares that it's also very fashionable to wear during festivals, each piece costing up to eight thousand rupees. It's very strong, it won't wear off easily. The fibre/outer covering of the stem is also used to light a fire, it burns well, as well as firewood. For instance, lighting it at night, the fire will stay alive till morning. Commenting on the difference in appearance among varieties, he says that the varieties are distinct and the difference can be spotted in the leaves. He describes how Machyong has smaller leaves and the starch is red in colour. And in Nijvay, the petiole is thicker and starch is red. The leaves are big. Beyryong also has a thick petiole, and big leaf size. The common variety, Metchi, has thinner petiole and leaves are also smaller. The fruit and flower however, are the same.

When asked about his memory of learning about the Palm, he shares he learnt from his parents. He shares that when kids accompany their parents, they learn and will have the practice. He shares that most kids, like his own, learn through observation and how his wife who also had never made bey in her childhood learnt after marriage and does it well. He shared that the Palm has always been known to them as bey, that it's ubiquitous. He shares how his parents never fed him anything else, only bey. He emphasises that bey is the only food for him, his kids, and has been the only food for generations. He prefers bey over rice but these days, rice is also used more, as it doesn't make him hungry soon. He emphasises though that bey is most common in his place and gives the example of how it can be prepared in multiple ways to suit the mood of a person. If someone falls ill, he shares, they can still eat Mraak, because it's soft and light. When ill, one may not feel like eating rice, like chewing it, it may be heavy too. Mraak can just be swallowed with broth.

When asked whether storms may affect the Palm, he strongly disagrees. He shares that in a place with loose soil, if a landslide happens, the Palm is planted. Its roots, called Arai in Puroik, Metchi Arai, are thick and strong. They help hold the soil as they penetrate deep in the soil. Landslides are very difficult where the Palm is planted but may happen once in a while, unexpectedly. He shares that even in a storm, it will not be uprooted, which is why in earlier times, people would take shelter in the Palm clusters when there was a big storm. The flowers of the Palm he says appear in September-October, between the warm and cold seasons.

Time-stamped section headings

File 1 (00:00:00) Introductions, background of the speaker and a brief history of Byale village. (00:02:07) On the association between the Palm and the Puroik people. (00:03:25) Puroik words and phrases associated with the Palm. (00:16:58) Health benefits of sago and its prevalence as the only staple food in the past. Alternatives to Palm sago – a tree fern, Muang, and a fern, Tabua. (00:26:56) Maintenance of Muang and Tabua for food in times of need, groves of Muang in the past, the method of making Muang flour and inheritance of Muang. (00:36:20) Other plants consumed, both foraged and farmed. A timeline of cultivation of rice. (00:45:04) Cultivation and lifespan of the Palm and cloth made by the Puroik people in the past. (00:54:19) Varieties of the Palm cultivated by the speaker, and differences in their sago quality. [00:58:42 Archivist's note: Pig shrieking under the house. Warning: Sound extremely loud.]

File 2 (00:00:00) Uses of the Palm other than food. (00:05:38) Morphological differences among the varieties. (00:07:37) Childhood lessons in making sago. Preference for rice vs sago. (00:12:47) Effect of storms or extreme weather conditions on the Palm.

OH-008-4-2a Ashok Kasuang shows a trapping tool called Kajok. It is used for trapping birds on trees. A string attached to it is called Kajok mataak and Kajok maiya. It is made of Micha bamboo and cane variety Arai-sik. He explains the various parts of the tool and shares their names. OH-008-4-2b Ashok Kasuang shows us the handcrafted tools used by the Puroik people for daily life. He names them and shares what material they are made of. The vessel used to make rice beer is called Kajar. The fish trap made of plastic is called Kachey. A variety of cane called Hey. A mat used to dry rice grains above the fire is called Apyu. A tool for winnowing rice grains is called Apyo. These tools are made from tender bamboo and cane. A smaller mat is called Do(n). Jarpyu is a large sheet or vessel used to collect rice in the farm. A raincover to work in fields during the rain is called Kank, it is also made from tender bamboo, which is easier to bend. It can be made from cane also. It is made in two parts, a headgear and one for the back. It is lined with plastic or leaves. Plastic is light but feels too warm. He had some arrows at his other residence in Sawa. With a layer of plastic inside, two hats made of bamboo are stitched together with a reed of cane. More commonly, leaves are used. He wants to keep a model of each of the Puroik tools used in the past for his kids when they grow up and ask about them. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-4-2a (00:00:00) Description of the various parts of the Kajok trap. OH-008-4-2b (00:00:00) Names and descriptions of handcrafted tools used in daily life in Puroik villages.

Yang Kasuang speaks of life in the past and present for Puroik people, and a little bit about the use and processing of sago from the Palm. She shares that earlier, people would keep making sago and didn't have any cloth. They would spend whole days in the sago processing station and in gathering forage or meat along with sago. These days, people have a variety of clothes in the market available to wear. She shares about her household where her children only eat rice and elders eat sago. Children, she says, are not used to sago and so elders farm rice. When people have an income, it's possible to purchase the rice from the town. On the other hand, she says sago can be made when one desires to eat it. One need not spend days and nights preparing the sago. She hails from Kurung Kumey, where in her childhood, people would again mostly eat sago but there was also rice. Speaking of the yield of sago from the Palm, she says that a few pieces of the stem can yield one load and when she is the only one to consume it at her home, it lasts for two months. But if one load of sago has to feed multiple for both meals of a day, it lasts only up to 3 days. She would ideally have a meal of sago in the morning when she sets out for work and have Apung (rice beer) at night before bed. She describes the sago processing method briefly and mentions that she planned to sow many crops in her farm in the upcoming season. As the interview was taking place, she was spreading her produce of Tamai (finger millet) in the sun for it to dry. The interview ends with her sharing a couple of ways she prepares sago to eat, one is with boiling water, called Mraak, and the other is to roast the sago in fire and eat, called Bey ja in Puroik. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:38) About the difficulty of life in the past and the ease of life at present. (00:08:49) Background of the speaker. (00:14:19) Consuming sago and rice in her parental village. Brief discussion on sago processing method, yield and consumption period of sago and her daily routine in the village. [24:20 to 30:28 At this point, the interviewee left the scene, resulting in a period of silence on the recording.] (00:31:55) A couple of ways to prepare sago to eat, Mraak and Bey ja.

In this interview, Ninyo Kasuang answers questions about important food sources in Byale village, raising the Palm among small-scale jhum farming and foraging, and the oral history of the Puroik people. He begins by sharing a brief history of Byale village, including the meeting between Kasuang people and Hanche (or Yachu) people in present-day Byale village and the year of government-established settlement. He describes his daily life in Byale and shares three main sources of starch, Muang (tree fern), Tabua (fern) and the Palm and its multiple varieties. He describes in detail the processing method for each. A brief discussion on Kamachyang metchi follows, which is not consumed but is preserved and maintained. There are distinct identifying features in this variety alongside a comparison of all other Palm varieties in terms of appearance and sago yield. Ninyo Kasuang shares best practices in maintaining Palm groves to ensure longevity of the Palm clusters. He says a stem takes at least 15 years to mature with the first signs of maturity appearing in the leaves and most evident as the first inflorescence appears. The fruit of Beyryong is different from Matchisik in colour and size, better preferred by civets. The Palm, he shares, was used to make slippers in the past, as well as an instrument called Riryu. The variety growing in the jungle is called Machyong. Ninyo Kasuang describes how it looks different from other varieties. Matchisik being the most abundant variety is also a preferred one for him. Discussing methods of cooking sago, he says that starch from Muang can only be roasted. Tabua is sliced and boiled with ash and cleaned before eating, while Palm sago can be cooked in multiple ways – by roasting, by making Mraak (a sago dough), and adding sago to water, like a drink. He shares how a younger sucker to be replanted must be carefully chosen, such that the sucker doesn't die young and grows to produce a good yield of sago. A young sucker, infected by an insect called Pajaik, is likely to be weak after growing for years as well. When asked about how he learned to make sago, he recalls accompanying his parents and slowly picking up various tools and learning the processing steps. He shares that he continues to be interested in replanting young suckers and maintaining his Palms, as it is necessary for survival and will be a source of income through the sale of sago. Byale village has a few sago processing stations, called Kaiko and he describes how one Kaiko was blocked by a heavy rock once and he repaired it along with his uncle. He narrates a story about the sago flowing from the stem in the ancient past and how the pith became fibrous. He also speaks briefly about jhum farming and foraging. He recollects what his elders shared about the origin place of the Palm. Finally, he shares how the Palm groves are inherited by the next generation and his personal preference for sago over rice. [Archivist's note: A few times during the interview, a static noise is heard abruptly. It is from a walkie-talkie that belongs to the speaker.] Time-stamped section headings (00:00:17) Background of the speaker and a brief history of Byale village. (00:04:57) Daily routine and important food plants around the speaker's village. Discussion on maintaining and processing starch from three vegetative sources, the Palm, Muang (tree fern) and Tabua (a fern). (00:10:26) Varieties of the Palm, including Kamachyang metchi, their relative abundance and preference. Yield of sago from the Palm and its consumption period, maintenance of Palm groves, and steps in processing sago. Phenology, morphology and ecology of the Palm. (00:20:28) The use of different parts of the Palm, other than sago. Differences in appearance among the varieties, and ways to cook Palm sago, Muang and Tabua. Choice of young suckers to replant in the Palm groves, insect infestation in some clusters (00:35:28) Learning the method for processing sago, sale of sago as potential business in the future, maintenance and repair of processing stations in the village. (00:44:58) Tale about flowing sago in the ancient past, labour intensity in maintaining Palm groves, jhum farming and foraging to complement people's diet. The speaker's oldest memory of the Palm, the origin of the Palm, inheritance of the groves and the future of the Palm and the Puroik people.

In this interview, Aping Kasuang shares the oral history of the Puroik people and the difficulty of life in the past. He narrates the sequence of events and places along the migration route of the Puroik ancestors. Beginning from Chamchu Nive, he traces the villages where Puroik ancestors travelled and also where the Palm was received and how it was replanted to its present abundance. He traces the path through Venia, and Sawa up to his present-day settlement, Byale village. Aping Kasuang then offers a lyrical narration of the Oral history, called Mabey, in Puroik language. He describes life in the past for Puroik people, including the difficulty of life, threat of being captured and sold, and the absence of clothes for insulation. The Puroik people had started producing cloth. He shares, along with his wife, how this cloth was made and once made, how it was worn by men and women. He recalls the older time when the only food they would eat was sago and roasted fermented bamboo shoots, called Marung. He describes how in earlier times, people had to stay on alert constantly, how no stranger could be trusted and people preferred living in the forest interior to protect themselves from intruders. He goes on to show and share the names of everyday tools, objects and animals from everyday life, like arrows, their bamboo case, cane bag, mat for drying rice etc. Aping Kasuang lists a host of languages, even of other tribes, that Puroik people can speak. He shares his belief about being a good person and how people can help other people. He recollects his childhood, when he used to live in Yerte and encountered a helicopter for the first time. When asked how old he would be, he recollects spending two years working with the Army in Anini and fondly remembers the time when the Army men estimated his age. [Archivist's note: When asked his age, Aping Kasuang says six. This likely means sixty.] His wife joined in the interview at times. Aping Kasuang speaks of the sago processing stations around the village and how sago was the only thing they ate in his childhood. He shares a tale from the Oral history when sago would not need processing. It would flow on its own until Abotani decided humans had to carry the Palm and make sago by working hard. Very briefly, he discusses the varieties of Palm he cultivates, and mentions a variety called Nisve, which has less fibre in its pith. He shares a few Puroik names for the parts of a stem produced and tools used in processing sago. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:40) Background of the speaker and discussing the disappearance of the Oral history among the people in the village. (00:04:09) Narrating the oral history (origin story) of the Puroik people. (00:11:35) Lyrical narration of the Oral history and description of life in the past, including tools and weapons used in the past. (00:16:38) Sharing about cloth production by the Puroik people. Important foods in the village and a description of nights spent in vigilance. Names of everyday tools and objects in Puroik (and Nyishi) language(s). (00:34:20) Sharing a host of other languages known by the Puroik people. Recollecting his memories from the time spent working in Anini, and living in Yerte and seeing a helicopter as a child. Sago processing stations, foods consumed and preferred in the village. [00:36:21 to 00:40:39 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:46:16) The tale of sago flowing on its own and Abotani decreeing the humans to prepare sago. Words for objects and tools in the process of sago extraction and names of Palm varieties cultivated by the speaker. [00:52:51 to 01:02:08 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

Aping Kasuang teaches Puroik words for maize, corn kernels and words associated with cooking them. Padue Kasuang is also present for some time at the beginning of the discussion. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Words for maize in Puroik.

OH-008-7-3a Water was not available. It was drying up. One person called a meeting and brought it to the attention of all that something had to be done. They discussed cutting the thread between the land and the sky to save everyone. Abotani decided no one would be able to survive as things were and that the thread should be cut. In that meeting, all were present – the spirits, the animals, all creatures. The heat was boiling the water on Earth like it evaporates in a pot. All the plants were dying. All the creatures wanted to kill one of the Suns but nobody was ready to do it. There were two Suns, a male sun and a female sun, that would shine rotationally and heat up Earth continuously. A rodent volunteered. They managed to kill the male Sun. Then a fight broke out between fire and water. The fire burnt a whole forest and forced the animals to gather in a small space. Water was almost gone. It said to the fire, "You've won, right". Then the water kept flowing down and filled up in the plains. Somehow, fire ran away and resided in the stone, in bamboo and in iron – what a dao is made of. That's why from these three materials, one can ignite a fire. Water defeated fire. Aping Kasuang demonstrates how to use a piece of a variety of bamboo and a white rock to ignite a fire. A portion of the stem of the Palm, which is soft and cotton, right under the outermost covering, is dried and used as ignition material. He described it as the matchstick of the olden time. OH-008-7-3b In this clip, Aping Kasuang recounts the Puroik and Nyishi names of animals, plants and some objects. Fish are called Kahuang and frogs are called Rə. Each species of bird has a different name, so do the rodents. There is a big mithun in the snow-covered mountains, it's very rare. It's called Kaubura in Puroik and the Nyishi called it Rəpaa. The plant used to sedate fish while catching them is called Manə in Puroik. In Nyishi, it's called Ta-amu. Another plant that's very spicy is Taalik, its bark is used with Manə for catching fish. Konkhya and Kalak are household tools fashioned from vegetables. Aping Kasuang explains how a ladle is made from a gourd-like fruit, called Kalak. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-7-3a (00:01:18) The separation of sky and land in the Oral history. (00:06:58) Explaining the events recounted in an earlier narration of the oral history of the Puroik people. (00:15:19) Fight between water and fire in the ancient past. [00:20:14 to 00:20:17 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:20:24) Showing how to ignite a fire with Madə bamboo and a rock. OH-008-7-3b (00:00:48) Some sentences and words for animals in Puroik language. (00:06:19) Names of some plants in Puroik language.

In this recording, Aping Kasuang along with his wife, Sempa Mecha, shows the herb Khryag, with which cloth was made by the Puroik people in the past. He also demonstrates how fibres were extracted from the plant. He says that it needs to be planted to retrieve enough fibres for making cloth. The fiber is very strong. The plant and its fruits cause irritation upon touch. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Showing a stem of Khryag, a herb found in the forest, which can cause itching and demonstrating how fibre was made from it.

Abying Kasuang begins by recounting the reliance of the Puroik people on the Palm. There were times in the past where food scarcity was acute. He says that the Puroik people have survived consuming sago and also saved the Nyishi people from hunger with sago, there was no other food. Thinking of their children, people planted Palms in the past and they have become the large groves at present. Along with the Palm, a dish made with Micha bamboo, called Marung was made and eaten. Earlier, the houses weren't like they are at present. The houses were made with leaves of the Palm. He says that people used to live in the forest earlier. The settlement (or the village) was created when he was a young child. Abying Kasuang says that there comes a time periodically when rice is not available. The plants most important to life in the village are the Palm, a fern called Tabua and a tree fern called Muang. These plants will never die and in dire circumstances, if they should come, we can survive and save others with these plants. He says that the Puroik people brought the Palm with themselves when they came (from above). Krii-amui, the sun goddess, gave the Palm to the Puroik people. Earlier, jhum fields were small and the main source of food was the Palm. These days, people do a lot of farming and keep raising the Palm along with it. He says that in the beginning, different groups of people were given different kinds of food. The Puroik people were given the Palm and told to make sago from it and eat it. The ancestors of Puroik people, Do and Sulo, Khyun and Khya went to fetch water. Khyun-Khya put a bamboo vessel in the water, and all the fish entered their vessel. If they emptied the vessel and re-filled it, all the fish entered again. That is how Khyun-Khya went to the place of fish, called Nape Charre Kahuang. He says Do-Sulo is their ancestor, they have descended from him. However, he doesn't remember all the Oral history. In Byale, most elders don't know much of their Oral history. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] He has learnt the process of making sago by observing his parents. Nobody had to train him, he picked it up on his own. In the older days, men had many wives and many children. Since it's only himself and his two wives in his household these days, one load of sago lasts about a month for them. In order to make this amount of sago, they need to do one day or work processing the starch. In this recording, his wives also chip in at points. In their farm, they grow many crops, a pumpkin, maize, several leafy vegetables, and varieties of millet and rice. They also forage many leafy vegetables from the forest. They named eight varieties they cultivate, including a rare variety, Matchichuik, that Dangma Kasuang, his wife, says, can be found if someone is lucky. It's of excellent quality, there is less fibre and more starch in it. Most varieties can be identified by the person felling the stems or raising the Palms, and observing them closely. When asked about the best environment to grow the Palm, he said that it can be planted anywhere and grows well. It gets taller in the shade. He still keeps planting new suckers, 3-4 per year. This is the reason there are ample clusters and food security. A stem can be harvested when it flowers. He was amused because people didn't generally ask him questions like the ones in this interview. The conversation ended on a light note. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Reminiscing past reliance on the Palm, scarcity of food and surviving through the Palm and saving also the Nyishi people from hunger with sago. Reliability of three food sources - Metchi (the Palm), Muang (a tree fern) and Tabua (a fern). (00:13:28) The origin of the Palm, of jhum farming and learning to make sago. [00:15:35 to 00:17:50 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:23:41) Family of the speaker, sago processing method and sago requirement of the family. (00:37:02) Crops grown in their jhum farm, varieties of the Palm, phenology and growth environment of the Palm.

In this interview, Abing Kasuang shares his knowledge of the Palm, its use and reliability. He reminisces periods of famine when the dependence on the Palm was very high, including a time when the Palm itself was affected. An insect had eaten off the leaves of the Palm stems, depleting the starch from the mature ones. At that time, the younger stems had more starch than older ones and the people would have to harvest younger stems. He also advises that the Palm should be preserved for the sons and daughters of the Puroik people. Abing Kasuang had unfortunately not memorised the Oral history and so, was unable to share much other than a couple of excerpts, one in which he shared that the Palm was given by the Sun (Krii-amui) and another, where he recited the tale of two brothers in the past, who went to the forest and killed a tiger. They cut a piece of bamboo to make a vessel to cook the meat. When one of the brothers tried to fill water, the fish entered it. He said that sago is the most important food in the village and so is Marung, a fermented bamboo dish eaten with prepared sago. While many plants are consumed, all don't pair well with prepared sago, as does Marung. He remained occupied even in his old age in farming and preparing sago. He named seven varieties, the most abundant of which was Matchisik and the best quality of sago was from the variety called Nichve. He shared that he had heard the Oral history as a young man but had not remembered it to recite it again. He had forgotten what his late friend used to tell everyone about the Oral history. He mourns the loss of his knowledgeable friend and reflects on how the record of their history gets lost also because it's not written. Time-stamped section headings (00:01:08) About the reliance on the Palm through times of famine and scarcity of food. (00:13:27) Background of the speaker and permissions for the recording. (00:17:15) Important plants for food and daily life in the village. [00:26:04 - 00:26:13, 00:26:55 to 00:27:56, and 00:28:52 to 00:29:21 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:31:34) The origin of the Palm and names and preference for varieties cultivated by the speaker. (00:40:42) About the extraction of sago and phenology of the Palm, signs of maturity in a stem as well as creation of new varieties. (00:51:12) On the loss of the Oral history, loss of memory and cultural symbols associated with the Palm.

In this interview, Tadung Kasuang shares a brief history of Byale village, the history of his clan, the life of Puroik people in the past and majorly about the Palm, its phenology and cultivation. He says that Byale village was created as a settlement by the government in the 1990s, before which people lived in various parts of their land, not concentrated in a village. Life was very difficult for the Puroik people in the past. He shares that in his childhood, there was a government school but parents wouldn't encourage kids to study. Children would remain busy in helping with sago processing and running errands. Parents themselves were very busy, making sago during the day and fibre from Khryag in the night, sacrificing their sleep and comforts. He says that the Palms and bamboo planted in the olden times still live to the present day. In the past, people would eat only sago from the Palm and Muang (a tree fern). There was a dearth of salt, which people would acquire from China across the high peaks, in exchange for a high price of Mithun, sago and other precious heirlooms. At present, he says, things are not as tough as they were in the past. Rice, salt, cloth among other commodities is readily available in the market since the government has arrived in the landscape. He shares the phrases, nouns and verbs associated with sago, such as the tools used for processing sago, words for different ways of cooking sago like Mraak, Beykaap etc, and names of utensils in which sago is served and other objects that may be derived from the Palm. He shares the names of the many varieties of the Palm cultivated in the village. He doesn't know the oral history of the Puroik people, however, he takes a lot of interest in maintaining his Palm groves and shares his knowledge of the phenology and variety characterisation of the Palm. He shares that the older people know the Oral history and they can detect the quality of sago also, but the younger people become careless towards the Oral history and language. Many have started using the Nyishi or Hindi languages more and their own language and knowledge is disappearing. He shares what he knows about the Oral history and considers how the Puroik people may have started raising the Palm. He shares his thoughts on the distribution of foods among different groups of people and comments on the reliance of sago from the Palm and Muang (tree fern). He shares about a time of famine in the past when rice yield in other areas failed and sago yield was also very less. His own mother, he says, recalls a time when she had to keep making sago as people from other villages would keep coming to ask for sago. He also comments on which among raising the Palm and cultivating rice is more difficult. He shares the best methods in taking good care of the Palm clusters and how one may identify a mature stem. He goes on to describe in detail the steps in processing sago. He then shares how the varieties of the Palm differ from each other morphologically and how abundant each variety may be under cultivation. When asked about his memories of learning to make sago, he recalls accompanying elders to the processing station and the tasks assigned to kids. He considers it vital to teach his children about raising the Palms and making sago as a dependable means of living. For the future, he believes people will keep raising the Palms and making sago, even selling it more. He talks about the best accompaniments with sago, including Marung (fermented roasted bamboo shoot), and discusses the various ways of preparing sago to eat. He shares information on the best places to replant young Palm suckers and their requirements for growth. Also commenting on the suitable areas for jhum farming for rice. Then, he spends some thought on the origin of these food plants, including the Palm, bamboo and Muang (tree fern). Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Background of the speaker and brief history of Byale village. (00:03:26) Life in the past for the Puroik people, and more broadly in northeast India. (00:08:18) Words and phrases related to the sago processing method, tools and the Palm itself. (00:15:17) Sharing and discussion of the oral history of the Puroik people. Reflecting on the disappearance of the Oral history among the younger generation. The origin of the Palm, the partitioning of foods to different groups of people in the beginning, and a time of famine in the past. (00:31:38) A comparison of labour input for raising the Palm and cultivating a jhum plot. A phenology of the Palm, maintenance of the Palm clusters, and the longevity of clusters. (00:41:32) Steps in processing sago, a tale about sago flowing from the past in ancient time, signs of a mature stem and description of different varieties of the Palm. (00:53:52) Memories of learning to make sago, and imparting the knowledge to the next generation. A discussion on the future of the Palm. (00:58:55) Food accompaniments with sago, different methods of preparing sago. Brief growing environment of the Palm and suitable place to plant rice. Origin of the Palm, bamboo, and Muang (a tree fern).

In this interview, Madak Kasuang shares her knowledge about the Palm, its care, processing and alternate sources of starch, Muang (a tree fern) and Tabua (a fern). She shares parts of the Oral history, both events at the time of origin and relatively recent regional history. The interview begins with Madak Kasuang estimating her age in terms of significant political events in the past and bamboo flowering. She goes on to share about her childhood, speaking of households commonly relying on Muang and Tabua when rice yield would be eaten up by rats and the Palm leaves would be consumed by a swarm of locust-like insects. She describes how both are processed before consumption. She speaks about propagating both Muang and Tabua, also vegetatively propagating plants, like the Palm itself and nutritious sources of starch. Madak Kasuang begins to describe the steps involved in sago processing and presents a handmade cane mat to spread and allow the filtered sago to settle and sediment on. This mat is called 'Vaa'. She describes Riyek, Frenchyu, Khyauk among other tools. She then goes on to describe the process of jhum farming, including establishing a jhum plot and maintaining it over the years. This leads to a discussion of labour intensity between raising the Palm and farming jhum rice. When asked about how old farming is, she shared the story of how the Puroik and Nyishi people chose a place on land each and how the creator, Krii-amui (the Sun Goddess), partitioned foods to people. It was people's attitudes towards these foods that determined their wealth and abundance later on. Due to people's mistakes, she also took back many of the real things she had given to the different groups of people. So did the Tiger, the elder brother of the Puroik, who took away Gaygong, an instrument, in one of his fights with the younger brother, a human. Madak Kasuang answers questions about the origin of the food plants, the Palm, Muang and Tabua. She recounted a tale where Vyeh people were face to face with crows, which led to a discussion on the varieties of bamboo. Then, the conversation shifts to a variety of the Palm that has existed near Byale village since before the Kasuang people arrived there, called Kamachyang Metchi. A discussion on its origins and norms around this Palm follows. She describes how edible varieties like Matchisik, Nijvay etc. were brought and started being raised along the migration routes of the Puroik people. Her son, Padue Kasuang, while translating the interview, also adds how the Bugun people are the descendants of the elder brother of the Puroik people's ancestor. The interview concludes with a continued interpretation of the norms around Kamachyang Metchi. [Archivist's note: This interview in total spans 1h 13m 52s, spread over three files. Files 1 & 2 overlap, they were real-time backup copies - OH-008-11-1a made on a mobile phone (.aac format) and OH-008-11-1b on a handy recorder (.wav format). 31m 39s of OH-008-11-1a & OH-008-11-1b are exactly the same, except that the first 11m 50s of OH-008-11-1b have zero input gain and hence, no audio. OH-008-11-1b is larger and records the rest of the interview, continuing into OH-008-11-1c.] Time-stamped section headings OH-008-11-1a (00:00:27) Background of the speaker. [00:05:04 to 00:09:40 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:09:41) Raising and processing of starch from Tabua (a fern), Muang (a tree fern) and Metchi (the Palm). [00:16:13 to 00:16:34 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:28:55) Description of Palm sago processing tools, and a discussion on labour intensity of sago production vs rice production, and the origin of farming. OH-008-11-1b [00:00:00 to 00:11:54 have zero input gain, voice was not recorded in handy recorder, refer to OH-008-11-1a for back up recording.] [00:16:16 to 00:16:39 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:28:58) Description of Palm sago processing tools, and a discussion on labour intensity of sago production vs rice production, and the origin of farming. (00:41:10) Excerpts from the Oral history - the descent of the Puroik people to land, partitioning of food sources in the beginning, the tale of the elder brother, Tiger, and the stolen instrument, Gaygong. (00:51:40) Origin of the Palm, Muang and Tabua, the tale of the fight between Vyeh people and crows, and the varieties of bamboo in the forests of Arunachal Pradesh. (01:01:01) The tale of Kamachyang Metchi. OH-008-11-1c (00:00:00) The tale of Kamachyang Metchi, offering shelter for people to protect against storms and tornadoes. The origin of different varieties of the Palm. (00:06:24) Kinship with the Bugun people - the elder brother of the Puroik people.

Mary Kasuang enumerates several plants that are most important to daily life in the village, including trees for firewood, the Palm, Jhum crops and forage plants from the forest. Her toddler accompanies her during the interview, as she tries to put him to sleep. She describes how the Palm is raised, how the groves are maintained, how jhum fields are prepared for sowing. We also discuss the harvest cycle, and jhum crops grown together, like rice, finger millet, maize, pumpkin, and several other vegetables. She tells us about a bamboo wind chime used to scare crows in the jhum fields. She recounts her memories of first arriving in the village after marriage and learning about processing sago, about collecting bamboo shoots, catching fish and how she slowly became skilled at village subsistence activities. She explains the profits or earnings possible through the sale of sago and the intensity of effort to make sago. We touch upon the inheritance of sago groves within the family, gender and community roles in the sago extraction process and the irreplaceability of the Palm as food and for income. While sago and rice are both consumed, her family prefers rice more. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:33) Brief background and history of the speaker. (00:01:57) Discussion about important plants used in daily life in the village, including trees for firewood, raising the Palm, plants cultivated in jhum fields and forage plants forming part of their diet. (00:09:16) Preference for foods at home and questions about Palm rearing, sago extraction, palm phenology and income generation through sago. (00:12:17) About jhum farming –- cultivation of rice and other crops and the rotational system in jhum farming. Description of a bamboo chime used as a scarecrow in jhum fields. (00:18:46) Childhood experience with making sago. [00:18:58 to 00:20:56, 00:21:06 to 00:22:45, and 00:24:56 to 00:25:45 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:25:45) Economics of sago, including profits from sale of sago and time investment in extracting sago. Description of the process of sago extraction. (00:30:11) Comparison of intensity of labour in rice cultivation and raising sago. (00:32:13) On learning the Puroik language after marriage and raising her kids by talking to them in Puroik language, learning about important plants like bamboo after coming to Byale village. [00:33:28 to 00:35:10 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:40:12) Her observations of the Palm's ecology and phenology, norms surrounding the Palm, propagating new suckers and its preferable growth environment. (00:47:03) Gender roles in the process of sago extraction, effect of storms on clusters of the Palm, different ways to cook sago and inheritance of Palm groves and farm land. (00:53:15) Preparation of Marung, fermented bamboo shoot, for consumption. (00:54:56) Forage leaves from the forests uphill from the village. (00:55:47) Irreplaceability of the Palm for food and as a source of income. (00:58:12) Preference for rice vs sago and the varieties of rice in jhum cultivation.

Gyanche Kasuang shares his knowledge of the plants important to Puroik people and utilised as food in Byale village. He was born in Byale and has become an old man there. He does jhum farming and raises the Palm. He prefers to eat sago, accompanied by some meat or Marung (fermented bamboo shoot). He shared that the Palm must be replanted by placing young suckers away from the parent stem to a suitable place and as it grows, it must be maintained by clearing the surroundings and removing any undergrowth routinely. A sucker can be easily grown in a new place, whether there are rocks or not. They must be planted in July and August for maximum success in their propagation. After many years, it will mature, bear fruits and will yield maximum starch upon harvest. He grows the varieties Beyryong, Matchisik, Mapyong, Majya, Machyong, Kamachyang Metchi, Nijvay and Satte. These varieties have distinct appearance and so, Beyryong can be identified with the thicker petiole. Satte is also one of the bulky varieties. He mentions a single cluster growing in his grove. Machyong, or the wild variety, he says, has a red hue on the underside of its leaves. It also has more fibre in its trunk. Matchisik and Mapyong are more powdery and easier to extract starch from. Kamachyang Metchi is a variety of Palm that can withstand the roughest storms up in the mountains. Its roots have seeped deep in and it's very strong. It is hard and difficult to process sago from, so is not used for its starch but is still maintained along with other Palms in the grove. The Palm was given to the Puroik people by Krii-amui or the Sun goddess, which the Puroik people have cared for and grown it till the present day. The process of extracting sago involves felling the Palm, the leaf sheaths are removed, the bark is chipped off and it is carried to the Kaiko (processing station), where the trunk is shredded and the fibres are beaten to release the starch granules, which are then dissolved in water, filtered through a sieve and allowed to sediment. To cook it, boiled water is added to wet sago. It can also be roasted and consumed, in Puroik said as 'Bey ja'. It can also be crumbled into a flour and cooked over the flame and eaten. The Palm can be harvested any time of the year from the time a stem has two unopened leaves to when it has fruited. Tabok, Puroik name for a civet, feasts on the ripe fruits, as well as rodents and wild boar if the infructescence is felled. The sago groves are passed from father to sons in a family and the responsibility of maintenance belongs to each individual. He has taught his kids how to replant the Palm suckers, maintain the groves and extract sago from the stem. He strongly protests the disappearance of the Palm in the future and reassures that even if it dies, it can be planted again. While he doesn't know the Oral history, he knows that the Puroik people have brought the Palm from above (i.e. the sky) and that the Puroik people have carefully raised the Palm over generations, eaten it and come. He points out that he's never heard of someone falling sick or having a stomach ache after eating sago. It is a very beneficial and clean food, he says. Time-stamped section headings (00:01:02) Background of the speaker and his view of important plants for daily life in Byale village. (00:03:48) On raising the Palm. (00:07:28) Phenology of the Palm and its varieties cultivated by the speaker. (00:16:21) About Kamachyang Metchi, a variety of the Palm understood to have come from the sky. (00:21:11) The process of sago extraction. (00:28:45) Other animals that consume parts of the Palm, including seed dispersers. (00:30:53) Norms around inheritance and maintenance of the Palm groves. (00:33:29) His future aspirations for the Palm and a brief reference to the origin story of the Palm, and norms around its cultivation.

Afyak Kasuang shares her knowledge of farming, foraging and raising the Palm in this interview. She begins by talking about her occupation in the village, from jhum farming and foraging to maintaining groves of the Palm. She asserts that the groves must not be neglected, the undergrowth must be properly removed and a stem should be felled after it has flowered. The Palm is generally maintained by men. Even so, she knows a bit about raising the Palms, which she shares in this interview. Afyak Kasuang speaks of the right season for re-planting young shoots of the Palm, in July and August every year. She also shares her knowledge of the phenology of the Palm, including the pattern of leaves emerging, and how long a stem may take to mature. She names three to four varieties of the Palm, but says she does not know much about them. About the processing of sago, however, she knows everything and even makes sago by herself. Due to old age, it takes her longer to make sago, while in her younger age, she could carry two pieces of the stem together to the processing station. She exclaims that she cannot leave sago, it remains a favourite for her. When asked where the Palm came from, she says that the Palm was planted by Puroik ancestors, who had been raising the Palm and carrying it with them since before arriving in this land. However, she does not know the oral history of the Puroik people. Returning to sago processing, she shares that three pieces of a stem will yield one load of sago, roughly 25kg, which lasts her a month, if not shared with others. She enjoys fermented bamboo shoots, called Marung, along with prepared sago. She prefers sago over rice. She asserts that there is a sentiment – a rule – to never let the Palm disappear. When asked about spirit inhabitants, she shared that the Palm groves are free of any spirits residing. There is however, a spirit of the farm, that works at night and sleeps during the day. It is not advisable to work at the farm during the night time. Sometimes, departed souls of the recently dead may be in the grove, but not otherwise. She closes by saying that the Palm is the oldest food of the Puroik people and that past customs must be followed. Her brother Aka Kasuang joined her in responding to the questions throughout the interview. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Background of the speaker and important plants in daily life. (00:04:14) The process of raising the Palm, gendered roles in raising the Palm, varieties of the Palm, animal dispersers and phenology of the Palm. (00:20:34) Inheritance of Palm groves, the tale associated with the origin of the Palm and the process of extracting sago from the Palm. (00:26:11) The amount of yield from the sago palm, labour for raising the Palms and cultivating rice, spirit of the farms and other uses of the Palm.

OH-008-15-1a This interview focuses on the plants in use and cultivation in daily life in Byale village. Khyachi Kasuang shares that among the trees, Puik is important for construction, leaves of banana are used for roofing and bamboo is used for flooring in the house. He mentions that several plants are foraged, naming one – Haji. Mainly for consumption, three plants: Metchi (the Palm), Tabua (a fern) and Muang (a tree fern) are used. He cultivates the Palm and shares how the Palms are replanted and maintained in the Palm groves. He answers questions about the suitable growth environment of the Palm and the lifecycle of the Palm leading up to maturation. He also shares the names of varieties of the Palm raised in his groves and how they can be identified by their appearance and sago quality among Machue, Beyryong, Mapyong, Satte, Nichve, Nijvay varieties. When asked about the origin of the Palm, Khyachi Kasuang speaks of Narba and mentions Kamachyang Metchi, which refers to the clusters that came from the sky, present in Yerte. These particular clusters are not harvested or consumed and are maintained as such from the beginning. He says the Palm comes from the place that the Puroik people have emerged from. He goes on to share the oral history of the Puroik people, recounting migration events and names of places and ancestors of the Puroik people. He says that when their ancestors arrived on land from the sky, they brought the Palm with them. He refers to the father of all people, Abotani, and says that at present, people are replanting from his Palms. OH-008-15-1b When asked about how he learned the Oral history, he says that he memorised it when he heard it from his elders repeatedly as a child. He emphasises that Puroik people have eaten sago since generations and encourages future generations to continue raising the Palm and as long as they live. He reiterates that the reliability of the Palm as a cluster never dies, while rice does. Khyachi Kasuang recalls an earthquake event, where landslides happened for 5 days and shares how people coped. At present, he also farms a few crops such as maize, rice and pumpkin. When asked about the origin of farming, he also shares the Oral history associated with rice grains. He shares that he prefers consuming sago over rice. He also briefly discusses fruiting in Micha bamboo, estimating the age of the bamboo. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-15-1a (00:00:24) Background of the speaker. (00:02:52) Important plants for daily life. (00:09:09) Plants important as food and their cultivation. (00:19:13) Varieties of the Palm raised by him and their identification by appearance. [00:24:36 to 00:27:03 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:36:36) The place of origin of the Palm and the Puroik people. OH-008-15-1b (00:01:24) Learning the lyrical narration of the Oral History, i.e. Mabey and rules around raising the Palm. (00:07:26) Recounting storms and earthquakes in the past. (00:14:37) On rice farming, its origin and the fruiting of Micha, a kind of bamboo used as food.

This recording has a short excerpt of the oral history of the Puroik people, however its translation is not available. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Consent for depositing this recording at the Archives at NCBS. (00:02:09) A short excerpt of Puroik oral history.

In this recording, Apyang Kasuang tells the name of three varieties of rice she grows in her jhum fields, Kamtam Amang, Darə Amang, Rafi Amang. Amang is Puroik for rice. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Name of the speaker and three varieties of rice she grows in her fields.

In this interview, Apyang Kasuang shares about important plants and preferred foods in Byale village. She shares her knowledge of raising the Palm, her routine activities around cultivating the Palm and the biology and phenology of the Palm. For example, she says an indicator of maximum starch content in the Palm is more than one unopened leaf bud at the apex or when it has flowered – that's when it's ready for harvest. The Palm is quite adaptable and can be planted in slopes in any direction. As per her observation, in shade, the Palms get taller than when planted on the sun-facing slopes. She keeps replanting young suckers from time to time. To replant, the sucker needs to be uprooted from the parent stem, cleared up and planted in a hole dug up in the soil. It is never water and the soil or plot of land needs no other preparation before replanting. It is generally planted close to a stream of water because the processing station needs flowing freshwater and the Palm is then planted close to the station. She says that a Palm arising from a seed as opposed to vegetative propagation is rare and often unpredictable in terms of its starch yield. But if a seed does germinate in the grove and forms a cluster, it is maintained and harvested like the other planted Palms. The fruits and seeds of the Palm are consumed by many other animals, Tabok (Puroik for civet), rodents and birds. Apyang shares that storms have no effect on the Palms but the younger suckers can be carried away with strong winds because they don't yet have penetrating roots right after replanting. She shares that the Palm was brought from above. Krii-amui gave the Palm to the Puroik people to cultivate and to eat it. When asked whether it made a difference if the Palm disappeared, she expressed worry that people will suffer from hunger if it happened. She shared that she has taught her children how to raise the Palm and prepare sago and believes it to be a very important food in the village. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:30) Background of the speaker, daily activities and preferred foods in Byale village. (00:02:34) Plants important for life in the village. (00:04:49) Phenology, suitable growth environment and ecology of the Palm. (00:14:31) Discussion about the origin of the Palm and its future among the Puroik people.

In this brief recording, Yapa Kasuang is requested to name the varieties of rice she cultivates in her jhum field. She names Paasey and Barua varieties. She says these varieties were brought from the beginning and their names remain the same till date. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Sharing the names of varieties of rice Paasey and Barua cultivated by the speaker.

In this interview, Mabing Kasuang shares the words and phrases for Moon, Sun, day, night, stars and clouds, and words related to the Palm among other things in daily life. Her parental village is in Ledo, Rawa village, where a different dialect from that of her husband's village is spoken. In this recording, she speaks the words in her parental dialect and repeats the words and phrases on request to reveal the correct pronunciation in her dialect. The recording includes words for varieties of the Palm, different parts of the Palm, actions words during the processing of sago, words for water, fire, rocks, and kitchen tools. Some animals like pigs are also named. It includes words for rice, rice varieties, Palm grove, tools involved in sago processing and finally counting in Puroik. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:18) Background of the speaker. (00:01:32) Word list in Rawa Puroik for objects in daily life. (00:06:47) Words related to the Palm, its parts, its processing and cooking. (00:21:31) Names of animals in Rawa Puroik.

OH-008-19-1a In this recording, Aka Kasuang is preparing Metchi salik, which is Puroik for chips of the stem of the Palm, that will be used as fodder for goats and pigs. At first the constant sawing sound is the sound of the machete against the stem to create small pieces of the stem. He goes on to tell the Puroik words for the activity associated with felling the Palm stems, of chipping the stem for fodder, of opening the leaf sheaths and preparing the stem for use. He shares that his children are occupied in collecting cane from the forests for sale. He tells us how long a log of the Palm stem, roughly 2 m long lasts if used only as pig fodder. He also begins to describe wild dogs in the forests, how they hunt in packs and pose a threat to people's livestock during the winter season. He mentions that they can bring down Mithun calves and other animals roaming in the forest. OH-008-19-1b Aka Kasuang shares some Puroik words for the names of the stem, the Puroik phrase to suggest a log is long or it has been felled and how the Palms are planted close to a stream so it can be carried to the processing station, Kaiko. OH-008-19-1c In this recording, Aka Kasuang tells the Puroik words for different ways of cooking sago, including different parts of the cooked sago at different stages. He also mentions a water pipe he wants to repair for the village. He shares how busy the people of the village generally are and how and how himself was planning to go far off, carrying a torch and a lighter and has set up to stay elsewhere in a camp he has built. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-19-1a (00:00:00) Sound of chipping the bark of a Palm stem with a machete to prepare pig fodder. (00:00:43) Conversation about the activity the speaker is involved in. [00:06:11 to 00:06:44 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:06:53) Method of feeding the goats and pigs, and the description of wild dogs, possibly dholes. OH-008-19-1b (00:00:00) Puroik words for the Palm stem in different states and verbs for different actions to pulverise the stem. OH-008-19-1c (00:00:00) Puroik words for different ways of cooking sago and at its different stages.

These recordings were made at Langram Kaiko, a processing station near Byale village. In these recordings, Shenya Kasuang explains how a processing station is made and prepared before processing sago, which tools are used and the different steps of the processing method. OH-008-20-1a Shenya Kasuang explains that a stream of freshwater always flows through a Kaiko. In Langram Kaiko, the stream is called Kua Gog. The water collects in a pond and flows through the rocks without much pressure outwards. In the winter season, the water runs low. Shenya Kasuang tells us that the rocks stuck together are called Kabya chyebna in Puroik. She explains that the gaps between the rocks are filled with a paste from mashed leaves of Tabua (a fern) and Chhue (wild banana). The paste is called Masə, and is used to prevent the loss of sago to the crevices between rocks. The water is collected in Sagaa to dissolve the starch. She shows a flat rock which is called Kataak, and is used to beat the starch off the shredded fibres with a wooden hammering tool called Vaag. The fibres after shredding are called Masua and in general the fibres of the Palm trunk are called Metchi-pok. OH-008-20-1b In this recording, Shenya Kasuang shares the steps in the process of sago extraction. Stems are brought to a Kaiko and before the process can begin, the Kaiko is cleaned with water. Then, one person shreds the stems using a tool called Frenchyu. Another person sits and uses a Vaag to beat the starch off the shredded fibres of the Palm stem on a flat rock called Kataak. This action is called Metchi pi. A batch of beaten fibres is kept aside and kept moist by spraying water on it. Meanwhile, the person begins beating the next batch of shredded fibres. When the starch is separated from the fibres, it is called Metchi pi myep. The fibres are then agitated in water to dissolve the starch. This process is called Metchi sə. The water is then collected in Sagaa, a jug made of bamboo (these days replaced by plastic jugs), and poured into a mesh bag called Riyek. Then Vaa, a sheet to collect sedimented sago is placed and the starch filtered through the Riyek is allowed to settle on the Vaa. The fibres stay in the bag and are thrown later. The residual fibres, thrown beside the Kaiko attract insects to lay their eggs. There are three kinds of insects, namely Sabə, Deong and Check-balek. OH-008-20-1c In this recording, Shenya Kasuang continues to share the names of tools or parts of the Palm at different stages of processing sago. She describes how Vatua is assembled to make a platform for filtered sago to sediment. She shares the name of a naturally-flat Kaiko based on a big rock. She describes how leaves of Tabua and wild banana are mashed and used to fill the gaps between small rocks assembled within a Kaiko. In the second half, she helps the interviewer take photos of various tools used at the Kaiko. OH-008-20-1d This recording contains more Puroik vocabulary associated with the Kaiko, including the name of the fence, Kaiko gyempua, the name for the roofing, Kaiko chhuk-pyu, and the leaves of the Palm, Metchi sapaak-lak, used for roofing over the station. Shenya Kasaung describes how the rocks are carried and curated to make the processing station, and names a few important leaves used at the Kaiko. She also shares about important trees and bamboo species grown near the Kaiko to help build the station. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-20-1a (00:00:00) Description of the components of a typical sago-processing station, called Kaiko. OH-008-20-1b (00:00:10) Description of the sago-processing method at the Kaiko, including insects harvested from residual fibres after processing is complete. OH-008-20-1c (00:00:00) Description of components of the Kaiko. (00:07:02) Clicking photos of tools discussed earlier. OH-008-20-1d (00:00:00) A few more Puroik terms and phrases associated with the Kaiko.

In this interview, Shenya Kasuang shares about her life in Byale village and earlier in Jatam village. She shares how she spends her time, completing household chores, foraging, farming and processing sago. Among foraged vegetables, some grow near small streams, like Haji and Langmu vegetables and some are collected from the forest, like Jonko, Tataklachu and Mijik. She also shares how what steps are involved in the processing of sago, like felling a mature stem, chipping its outer bark, carrying it to the processing station, shredding and beating fibres from the trunk of the Palm and how the sago is dissolved in water and sedimented before it is collected for use. She also shares her knowledge of raising and cultivating the Palm, how it is raised and maintained. For instance, the importance of clearing the undergrowth and its impact on sago yield. She shares that the soil is not prepared in any way at the time of replanting a young shoot of the Palm. To make a grove of the Palm, a plot of land must be cleared of other vegetation and trees but is not in need of being burnt before planting the suckers or any watering. She explains how and when a young sucker may be replanted. She shares a bit about the lifecycle of the Palm and how long it takes to mature, and explains the identifying signs for maturations in the stem. She describes the yield based on the number of pieces, that are 2-metre portions of the stem, that are processed. Commenting on other varieties of the Palm, she names four – Nijvay, Matchisik, Beyryong, Satte and says that in her parents' village, Jatam, there were more varieties than in Byale. For example, there was one called Mabya metchi and one called Matchiye. Nijvay, she explains, yields more bey and Matchisik forms a good consistency of Mraak (prepared sago) and hence, both are planted more abundantly. Shenya tells us how to identify the varieties by their appearance. Satte, she says, opens its leaf sheaths and Beyryong too, but Nijvay and Matchisik don't open or shed their leaf sheaths. It's visible in the leaf too. Nijvay has a thin leaf. Mapyong and Beyryong have big leaves. She shares multiple ways that sago can be prepared and cooked, including Mraak, Sakap, and Bey-ja. She also contrasts the use of rice and sago in the present and in the past and how availability of rice in the markets has impacted people's consumption. Both rice and sago are commonly used in the village. Speaking of the accompanying foods with sago, she comments Mraak is best consumed with Marung (fermented and roasted bamboo) and explains the elaborate process of acquiring and preparing it from higher-elevation mountains. There are also Masiyek and Chappe as good accompaniments with Mraak. They're also made of bamboo. She then comments on the difficulty of farming. She complains of the rain, mosquitoes and often having to carry a kid on her back. Even back at home, there is no time to rest as chores and her livestock await her. She says that the Palm takes very long to mature and contrasts it with rice that can be harvested in a six month period and stored in the house. She shares that before there was rice, people ate Tamai (millet). Especially in the cold season, older people who were unable to make sago because it's difficult to process and people who had many kids, would eat Tamai after grinding it and cooking it. These days, it's not eaten that way, but is used to make Apung from it. She also informs us of the seasons of sowing and harvest in the jhum cycle. Among the many vegetables and grains grown, rice, Tamai (finger millet) and maize ripen at the same time, along with Taape (legume). Mabuong, another food, ripens a little early. And Chapyo (maize) is of two kinds, she shares, one that ripens at the end of September and another that is harvested in August. Kachu (taro) is eaten at the end, after storing all other produce. Sometimes, if there's a surplus, farm products as forage vegetables may be sold in the town. Speaking of the Palm's phenology and flowering, she consults her mother-in-law, Madak Kasuang, during the interview and shares that the Palm flowers in early August. She describes the colour of the flower as the colour of fire. She says it is consistent among the different varieties. After it fruits, she says some are red, while some are white. She also fondly remembers that when she was a child, she would chew the fruit as a chewing gum with her friends. It would hurt their teeth after a whole day of chewing. They chewed on the cover and threw it when it became tasteless by the end of the day. Within the grove, a suitable place to replant depends on the soil and presence of rocks, according to her. She suggests that a young sucker grows poorly in rocky places or places with many other trees. It is better to plant it in a plain area, where the soil is good, black and red in colour. She describes the depth at which it should be replanted and how far from another cluster. She shares that while typically replanted vegetatively, a shoot that germinates from the seed is called Machyong. However, it takes too long to grow from the seed. For it to grow faster, they need to take a sucker from the cluster and replant it. She also comments on the sunlight or shade requirement of the Palm and how it may survive in a storm. She also shares that the Puroik people feel a lot of affection looking at Metchi because, she says, "We have lived from Metchi. When we see it, we keep feeling that we want to eat Bey (sago)." She also shares about which other animals consume the Palm and which parts they eat. When asked if she uses the leaves of the Palm, she remembered her childhood when she and her friends would play a lot with the petiole and make it like Metchi and use it. In the past, she says, people made slippers from the stem covering. In slippery places, it was worn. She shares how kids would make a car with tyres from the Palm stem to roam around and play with. The first rachis that comes up, called Sapakpree, kids would make it like hair and connect it with a thread and play with it. She recollects many times when she and her friends would play on top of the Metchi stem and run after each other. She says she herself has fallen from the stem two times but remembers getting up right after and running after her brothers. She fondly remembers how kids mischievously would make a bridge between two Metchi stems by the rachis of two leaves. If there was something to hold on to, they would jump. She remembers how the parents would ask kids to fetch water, or firewood and forage plants, but they would keep playing and be tired by the end of the day and not do any work. She thinks of how children today don't play this way. If Metchi was nearby, they would have played this way. Shenya speaks about shamanism and the shift to Christianity and describes how life was in the past. When asked about any songs related to the Palm, she says there is a song on the other side of the Kameng river, not on the East side. She remembers how her mother used to tell her the tale of past life and how the Puroik people lived with difficulty. She also shares about exchange with spirits and the practice of shamans in the past. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-20-2a (00:00:27) Background of the speaker. (00:03:22) Plants of forage, farming and raising the Palm. The process of extracting sago, replanting the suckers and cultivating the Palm. (00:13:34) Varieties of the Palm, growing rice in jhum fields and making Marung from Micha variety of bamboo. (00:27:07) Comparing sago and rice cultivation, use of millets in the past and present and seasonal cycle of jhum farming. [00:28:40 to 00:28:56 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:32:31) Phenology of the Palm, replanting young suckers, suitable growing environment of the Palm and interactions with other animals. (00:43:25) Use of different parts of the Palm and childhood memories of playing with and on the Palms. (00:50:58) Maintenance of a Palm grove by a family and its inheritance among the children. (00:56:38) About the practice of shamans in the past and the recent shift to Christianity. [00:58:45 to 01:02:08 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-20-2b [00:00:00 to 00:01:11, and 00:03:10 to 00:03:16 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:04:16) About an exchange with the spirits and practice of the shamans in the past.

Kale Kasuang shares his knowledge of the Palm varieties, their origin and the Puroik Oral history in this interview. He begins by naming the varieties of the Palm he raises, proceeding to name other important food plants, including rice, Muang (a tree fern) and bamboo. He shares that the place of origin for all people was Chamchu Nive. In the earliest times, people lived in Chamchu Nive and Pulojaria. Then, his ancestors came to Tontei Sawa in search of habitable places. When they first came, they encountered Hanche people (another group of clans of the Puroik people) and in an attempt to forge a friendship, they gave them a dao (machete) for ease of handiwork. When they returned, they found the Hanche people had run away into a relatively difficult rock formation uphill and started living there. They feared the newcomers and hence, had run away. The ancestors of Kasuang people in Byale then started living in the older settlement. Descendants of Do-Sulo live in East Kameng and descendants of Khyun-Khya live in Kurung Kumey. When asked where the Palm came from, Kale Kasuang said that Puroik ancestors brought the Palm with them when they arrived on land. All Puroik ancestors have consumed sago and lived. Krii-amui, the sun goddess, gave them the Palm. She partitioned the foods for all groups of people. Kale Kasuang shares that the person telling the Oral history bears a risk. The original tale and its details are often only told when elders are in their last moments because of that. He also shares that the lyrical narration of the Oral history is called Mabey and is very lengthy. He names the varieties of the Palm: Machue, Beyryong, Matchisik, and Kamachyang metchi. The Palm has been raised from the earliest times and continues to be raised by Puroik cultivators. He thinks back at the difficulty of life in the past and shares that the present times are much more peaceful, since the government has made it easier to access food. When asked about whether the Palm can disappear some day, Kale Kasuang says with confidence that it won't disappear. He says people should keep replanting it, and it will keep growing. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) The speaker's background, discussion on plants important for daily life in the village, and sharing the Oral history of the Puroik people - how their ancestors arrived in Chamchu Nive, thenTontei Sawa and how they settle in present-day Byale village. (00:12:56) The origin of the Palm in the Oral history, the origin of the varieties of the Palm and the risk involved in retelling particular details in the Oral history. (00:24:31) Speaker's reflection on the difficulty of life in the past and ease of life at present, as well his thoughts on the future of the Palm. [00:24:47 to 00:26:39 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] When asked where the Palm came from, Kale Kasuang said that Puroik ancestors brought the Palm with them when they arrived on land. All Puroik ancestors have consumed sago and lived. Krii-amui, the sun goddess, gave them the Palm. She partitioned the foods for all groups of people. Kale Kasuang shares that the person telling the Oral history bears a risk. The original tale and its details are often only told when elders are in their last moments because of that. He also shares that the lyrical narration of the Oral history is called Mabey and is very lengthy. He names the varieties of the Palm: Machue, Beyryong, Matchisik, and Kamachyang metchi. The Palm has been raised from the earliest times and continues to be raised by Puroik cultivators. He thinks back at the difficulty of life in the past and shares that the present times are much more peaceful, since the government has made it easier to access food. When asked about whether the Palm can disappear some day, Kale Kasuang says with confidence that it won't disappear. He says people should keep replanting it, and it will keep growing. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) The speaker's background, discussion on plants important for daily life in the village, and sharing the Oral history of the Puroik people - how their ancestors arrived in Chamchu Nive, thenTontei Sawa and how they settle in present-day Byale village. (00:12:56) The origin of the Palm in the Oral history, the origin of the varieties of the Palm and the risk involved in retelling particular details in the Oral history. (00:24:31) Speaker's reflection on the difficulty of life in the past and ease of life at present, as well his thoughts on the future of the Palm. [00:24:47 to 00:26:39 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

In this interview, Sempa Kasuang tells us about some plants important for daily life and food preferences. Going deeper in sago cultivation and processing, she also shares information on the Palm's phenology, ecology and planting strategy. Beginning with a bit of her background, elder sister Sempa tells us that she married into Byale from Mecha village and raised a family of five children. At present, she remains occupied in farming, foraging and acquiring food for herself and her husband. In her younger years, she used to work very hard, making handcrafted items and tools, making sago, farming and acquiring food. In her old age, she feels unable to work strenuously for long. She cultivates four varieties of the Palm and most prefers sago of the variety named Nijvay. She shares that these varieties can be distinguished on the basis of the morphology of the leaves. The Palm, she explains, is extremely useful. Many parts of the Palm can be utilised, including the midrib of the leaflets for making a broom and the tender base of the leaf for consumption, nothing goes to waste. A cluster of the Palm lasts many generations, the ones planted eight generations ago still exist and the people in the village survive on sago from those. The palm flowers in the summer season (July-August), which is also the time when most farm harvests are ready. Sharing a very interesting observation, she explains that a sucker replanted from a stem that has flowered will immediately enter the reproductive stage, mature within a few years and not gain height or contain starch for consumption. Time-stamped section headings (00:21) Brief history about the speaker and her village. (03:05) Activities keeping her occupied day-to-day, including cultivation practices and foraging from the forest. (06:08) Major occupation was handicraft and tool-making in her younger years. (07:17) Varieties of the Palm she raises, description of Palm life-cycle, phenology and planting strategy. (12:00) Comparison of Palm varieties by their appearance, particularly leaf morphology and place-based memory of the varieties. (13:50) On maintaining the Palm groves and listing many parts of the Palm that are useful. (20:02) Discussion on vegetative or reproductive stage of the new suckers emerging after vegetative propagation.

In this interview, Ame Kasuang shares the plants of most importance to her in Byale village. She says she prefers rice over sago, since making sago is very exhausting and difficult for her in her old age. She likes to tend to her jhum fields and describes the rice field in almost poetic adoration. It takes a year of work to grow rice, after which they get to eat it. Everyday, it takes her hours in a small portion of the field, beginning with clearing the land. She describes how her hands get bruised while clearing the fields and she uses a small tool called Avyak made from bamboo. It is a tool used since the earliest times for jhum farming. It is most effective for removing smaller, more tender vegetation. The larger trees are chipped off at the bottom and felled. From the start to finish, Avyak is used to slowly clear all vegetation in a jhum plot, taking roughly four months to clear the land. She says Avyak is the tool that has been used by multiple generations to do jhum farming. At the end of March-April, she sows rice in her fields. She grows many varieties of rice, Yə – a variety of pulses, Chhua – taro, Truk – pumpkin and Mabyung. They are all sown together. Yə may be planted three or four times throughout the year. Sabaing and Saraang are also planted. The harvest season is at the end of October for rice. Pumpkin, Mabyung and maize is ready from August onwards, it is harvested before rice. She has Palm groves also but she doesn't like the Palm much. Her son, Samaa has not planted any new suckers. Her own groves, she has sold already. She has raised the Palm still but there is no one to help with making sago. She is alone and it is too much work for her. She does have a lot of Palms. In the past, she used to make one basket a day or even more compulsorily. She says she feels too tired to make it in her old age. If there was someone who could prepare the stems for processing, she would be able to do it, but she is alone. When asked where the ancestors of Puroik people would have brought jhum crops from, she says she doesn't know. The seeds of many crops from the past have disappeared. These days, she says, they plant what has been brought in recent times by younger people. She has been farming ever since her childhood and continues it till this date. She has always yielded at least ten loads of rice from farming since childhood. She keeps farming these days, and says she won't leave it. Most days, she remains occupied in her fields. The Palm demands too much energy and she prefers to farm. The translator, Padue Kasuang, disagrees with her. She also doesn't like wet field farming because of leeches. Jhum farming, to her, is the most comfortable. Ame Kasuang describes the steps involved in preparing the field for jhum farming. After clearing the vegetation, any residue of the vegetation is burnt in the plot. It will still not get burnt completely and is collected and burnt again properly. At the time of sowing rice, all the weeds are stored in lines to plant other vegetables in rows alongside rice. She says a plot of jhum rice can be situated in any direction, however, it needs ample sunlight. She describes how the rice plants have water on them in the morning. That water is enough for the rice. The leaves of a rice plant move with the breeze and look very beautiful to her. She says she could watch it all day and it makes her feel peaceful. A jhum field is inherited by the children and the patriarch of a household. A plot of land can be used for 1 or 2 years in a place of shorter vegetation and up to 10 years in a place of taller trees. A plot used for 2 years is left fallow for 5-6 years before it can be sown again. The land in Waji recovers quickly, within 3-4 years. The field is never watered, it is irrigated on its own through dew drops and rainwater. The sky may be very clear and still the leaves will have dew drops the next morning. Sometimes, the yield is good and sometimes not, it depends on the soil. In places of hard soil, the rice yield is better. It is better done in plain areas apart from the added risk of falling in steeper areas. Many animals eat the rice grains and not much can be done to prevent it. Some of the rodents are trapped for food. A rice field can easily be destroyed with even slightly strong winds. When it starts to thunder, there is a practice of placing Mijai bamboo with Tabua and Muang in the centre. By doing so, the thunder stops. In times of famine, we have heard that older generations have consumed Tabua (a fern) and Muang (a tree fern). Food was less back then, bey (sago) was scarce. If Tabua or Muang occurs in the jhum field, they need to be removed. If it is cut and thrown downhill, it emerges from the remnant part by vegetative growth. If there is a tree too big to be felled, it is allowed to stay in the jhum field; most others are felled. When rice grains are ready, the stalks are cut, grains are separated with hands and feet to remove the covering and it is placed in a godown in the house. From the godown, the grains are spread on a flat surface and dried to eat. A portion of the harvest is set aside at the beginning for sowing again the following year. Taro is called Chhua in Puroik. There are many varieties of Chhua. In an area of good soil, when Chhua is planted, it will raise shoots along with other grasses and yield a good harvest. She says that the Puroik have Chhua from the beginning. In the wet fields in the plains, Chhua is of better quality. The original variety of Chhua had fewer leaves. There is a new variety of wet field farming that has many leaves. As for forage from the forest, there are plenty of leafy vegetables that they gather and use, Jonko, Mayui, Haji, Haiyak, Maching to name a few, and also many kinds of mushrooms are collected from the forest. There is a kind of mushroom in the lower elevations that grows abundantly in patches, one could collect a basket full of it. Its name is Aying-dang mang. She shares that in their diet, resources from the forest are subject to seasonal availability but the farm produce is collected and utilised over a long period of time. Throughout the interview, Ame's son, Samaa, joined the interview and sometimes answered on her behalf. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:09) Personal background of the speaker and important plants for food according to her. (00:02:51) Practice of jhum farming and description of the tasks and tools involved. (00:07:57) Crops planted in a jhum field. (00:10:24) Dislike for the Palm and inability to make sago from it or utilise it. (00:13:44) The history of jhum farming – its origin, and past and present prevalence as a food production strategy. (00:19:01) Steps involved in jhum farming, a suitable place for a jhum field, inheritance of jhum fields and fallow period between farming cycles. (00:29:38) Threats to a rice crop from animals and storms and possible ways of protecting it. (00:33:00) Consuming Muang (tree fern) and Tabua (fern), plants allowed to stand while clearing a jhum field, preparing rice grains for consumption and sowing in the next season, planting taro in the fields and foraging for leafy vegetables in the forest.

OH-008-24-1a The recording is an uninterrupted narration of the tale of an insect called Chavi that arrives when rice is ready to harvest. It has not been translated in detail as the translator deemed it difficult to be translated to Hindi at the moment. OH-008-24-1b This recording is the narration of the origin story of rice. It begins with Abotani, who had 15 godowns of rice. He was proud to say that they will never run out of rice. He married Drǝ-yadǝ-amui who finished all the rice in a couple of days. She complained to Abotani that she would leave because of the lack of food. It was a difficult time when they survived on Metchi and Tabua as best as they could. Abotani had a male dog named Keepung Tani and a female dog named Dampung Manǝ. Once they fought and ran away. Dampung Manǝ hid in a pile of Calamus stems, which Keepung Manǝ threatened to burn. Keepung Manǝ jumped into the water, which Dampung Manǝ threatened to poison with a herb from high in the mountains. Keepung Manǝ emerged through the water in Brahmaputra, Assam. Dampung Manǝ, meanwhile put fermented bamboo shoot in a portion of the soil and ran away. Abotani asked after Keepung Manǝ's whereabouts. Krii-amui (the sun goddess) told him that he was in Assam, eating rice. He consulted with Krii-amui, who told him a phrase to call out and summon Keepung Manǝ. She then suggested that Keepung Manǝ apply an adhesive and go back to Assam. After reaching Assam, the dog rolled in a place where rice was being dried and brought back rice grains. Abotani saw holes made by rodents and sowed the rice grains in them. However, it was not the right season and the grains got spoiled. Abotani went downhill and started crying when an unkempt elderly woman, named Ayo Dangar, arrived. She asked Abotani to pick out lice from her hair. When Abotani was pulling out hair strands, he got one strand with grains of different varieties of rice. Along with rice, he also got Tamai (finger millet) and Kabaaik grains. Ayo Dangar told him the right seasons to sow and harvest rice. She was a goddess, who also offered herself as sacrifice for a ritual for Abotani's godown. She assumed the form of a pig and said with each scream when culled, Abotani will receive all the tools for growing rice, wealth and necklaces, and everything his heart desires. This is how rice was successfully grown. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-24-1a (00:00:00) Uninterrupted narration of the tale of an insect called Chavi that arrives when rice is ready to harvest. (00:06:19) Brief and complete translation of the narration: The insect Chavi comes from higher altitude at the time of harvest of rice. [Archivist's note: The translator admits to their limitation in translating this narration as a direct translation to Hindi was not possible. This narration is still useful and it might be possible to translate it in the future.] OH-008-24-1b (00:00:00) Drǝ-yadǝ-amui and the exhaustion of Abotani's rice supply. (00:01:58) The two dogs Keepung Manǝ and Dampung Manǝ running off to Assam. (00:04:26) Searching for Keepung Manǝ, who returns from Assam and Krii-amui's idea to put on body adhesive and send him back to Assam. (00:09:09) Meeting an elderly lady named Ayo Dangar, who gave Abotani all the varieties of rice.

Abotani had married many creatures, even plants. But he wanted to marry the smartest woman. In this pursuit, he married a frog. The frog would not talk at all, she would just make food and keep for Abotani. Abotani schemed to make her talk and hit himself. The frog thought that Abotani had passed away. She cried heavily, when Abotani broke out of the act and revealed that he was trying to test her as she never spoke. Filled with shame, she screamed 'hee hee hee' sounds between summer and winter. She cried and ran away. Abotani ran after her and tried a few things to stop her, but in the end she hanged herself with a hair strand. A big Dumdum (an insect that sucks blood from humans) saw her hanged in the noose. They reached the house of a rooster and took him to male dog's house. Then Abotani told the dog to kill the rooster. He took the dog to Sangrǝ Bani Nambya's house. He told Sangrǝ Bani to kill the dog with the Sakhye (a tool used to de-husk the rice). Sangrǝ Bani killed the dog. "Why did you kill the dog and obey my order? You're not even my wife." He brought the Sakhye to Krii-amui and asked her, "Can you break this into pieces?" Krii-amui agreed to try and managed to break it in a single blow. Then he said to Krii-amui, "Not being my wife, you have acted like my wife by breaking the Sakhye. Why did you do that? That means you'll have to come with me!" Krii-amui refused and exclaimed, "Why would I marry you? I could marry much younger and better-looking men if I wanted. Why will I marry you? In a quest to find a suitable husband, she called a meeting. People arrived with bows, arrows and other weapons. Suitors had to aim at a target and win over Krii-amui. Abotani went to Doring Chajang-amui again. He explained the situation. Meanwhile, Krii-amui demanded all to shoot their arrows by saying, "Tǝdum Taalo". Abotani was advised that he should get gum from Takaing, a small sized insect like a honey bee. He should make an iron bullet in the Mijak, and put gum there. Then he should make a loose bow and arrow and shoot the arrow lightly, with not much force. All the young men started to shoot arrows. They wanted to show their skill to marry Krii-amui. Abotani was wearing untidy clothes and sitting outside the premises. Young and good-looking men were showing off their skills. Abotani was condescended to by others for his untidy appearance. The younger people said "Tǝdum Taalo", they had to hit a silver item with their arrows. Everybody wanted to aim right but the arrows were going here and there. They said to Abotani, "Why don't you give it a try?" Abotani had put gum-lined bullets inside upside down and shot it very lightly. It hit the target and remained stuck there. The younger men were all ashamed and sad they couldn't marry Krii-amui. If there weren't too many people in the gathering, they would've killed Abotani, but that was not possible. Abotani was finally the one who qualified as a suitor for Krii-amui and there was a party for his wedding. The child grew older. Krii-amui said to her child, "In a bamboo flask, put rice beer and give it to your father. Don't give it to anyone else, only your father". The child passed by all the other younger men who would try to persuade her that they are the father and ask for the rice beer. The child would shake her head and refuse. The child's name is Takhen. Abotani was sitting at the end. He is the one who had aimed the arrow right in the past. The child Takhen also gave the bamboo vessel to Abotani. The other younger folk were very ashamed and went to their houses. They were dejected. "We don't get anything", they said. Krii-amui then accepted Abotani as her husband and went to live with him. He waited for her for 5-6 years. Then she said to Abotani, "Go and fetch Nǝkuang fish, five in number. I will eat the fish you catch - five of them". "You are truly my wife. I will catch five fish", responded Abotani. He caught the fish and wanted to bring it back alive but they died half-way. He caught them again only to be disappointed when they died half-way home again. He was feeling sad. He kept catching the fish and failing to keep them alive. Abotani met Saraam - a hand-made fishing equipment, who spoke to Abotani. He said, "Dear elder brother, why are you sad?" Abotani said, "I have been asked to catch fish and bring them back alive, but they die mid-way". Saraam said, "Abotani, give me a price for the job and I will do it". Abotani gave Saraam a beautiful skin. It has a beautiful name till the present because of that name. It's white in a portion. He said to Saraam, "Okay, go forward". Saraam took five fish, a small pond was made and they put the five fish in it. Abotani said to Krii-amui, "I have brought the fish, please check". Krii-amui said, "Okay, now go and fetch five pieces of a leaf, completely unfettered". It is a plant that grows in the mountains, not the one that grows nearby, like Dawai. She demanded Chhue-sik. Abotani took the leaves but they tore along the way by the time he got it to Krii-amui. He feels sad that he spent several days fetching the leaves but he couldn't get the beautiful leaves. Abotani was immersed in thought. A bat said to him, "What are you thinking, Abotani?" He responded, "Brother bat, Krii-amui asked me to bring the leaves and I'm thinking about that. She says she will tie the leaves, roast it in the fire and eat them. I am unable to get good quality, unfettered leaves". The bat said, "Okay, I'll help you. Give me a wage for my work". Abotani offered four fruits that a bat eats as a reward. Those are fruits people also ate. The bat said, "You can go and sit with Krii-amui". Outside their house, the bats arrived. At that time, Abotani said, "I have brought the leaves, you may do with them as you please". The fish were in the pond. Krii-amui was worried the fish would have lost weight. She saw the five leaves and approved of them. She finally accepted Abotani as her husband. Their first child was Takhen, then she gave birth to Tareng. At that time, Krii-amui gave beautiful clothes, a real dao and Dori Kong, used in the headgear to Abotani. Abotani looked very beautiful. He then said, "Okay, let's go to my village". They started on the journey and first reached Tumbo and Ryanbo. The younger men who had contested in the arrow-shooting arrived there as well. Abotani reprimanded them, "Is this your village?" On the way, he pointed out how his house was 2-3 times the size of the other suitors' houses. The other men were angry that they could have married Krii-amui. They gave Abotani a side stare. They reach the house and Krii-amui complains that the house is not as good as Abotani had presented it to be. He finds it unkempt and disorderly. Abotani cleared some overgrown vegetation with the dao Krii-amui had given. Krii-amui is the smartest of all and doubted Abotani by the appearance of the house. "Whose house is this?", she demanded to hear. Abotani didn't tell her. She understood it was Abotani's house. She asked Abotani to not clear the vegetation and sit aside for some time. She used the dao, swung it with her left hand and all the vegetation cleared out. She threw a seed in an empty space and a house emerged. She asked Abotani, "Where is your land? Where do your Mithun live?" She threw something again from a packet and it formed the land for pigs, Mithun and fowl - well populated with livestock. Taken-Tareng are brothers. Abotani and Krii-amui's daughter was named Yanjro. The son who carried Yanjro said to Abotani, "Please call someone to carry my younger sister". Krii-amui told him, "Don't go through an area of shade, walk in the sunshine". Hame Sangrung is a large tree - she warned him not to go there. He retorted, "Going through sunshine, I will have to go through a lot of difficulty. I can easily go through the shade. In the sunshine, Kajong (ticks) will stick to my legs - I will have to go through the shade to avoid them". Krii-amui advised him to not make any sound, even his footsteps around Hame Sangrung. Abotani thought, "Why should I listen to her?", and overruled her advice. He went through the shade and hit with his dao multiple times at the place of Hame Sangrung. Krii-amui made a small action/ sound from her mouth, 'Tuk' and in an instant, Abotani's clothes and precious items disappeared. First, everything he was wearing disappeared. In the next instance, he tried to be cunning and make a 'Tuk' sound and at the same time as his precious items were disappearing, because of the sound, he still had half of his possessions. Krii-amui took everything and their daughter was with Abotani, at which time he went home and then in the verandah, Abotani sat outside like a male dog. Krii-amui said, "Don't do this nonsense, come inside! Even if you've made a mistake, come home. You didn't listen to what I said in the morning and so you'll have to bear the cost". Abotani didn't accept it. She said to Takhen and Tareng, "Give something while saying 'Tuk' and try to feed the dog. If he eats, he is your father, Abotani. If he doesn't eat, then someone else would be your father. Go ahead. If he doesn't eat, that means your father is still uphill". They did so and the dog ate entirely. After he ate, Krii-amui said to Abotani, "You are not a right man. Whatever it is, come inside the house". He sat next to the chicken. "Abotani, you don't even listen to me", Krii-amui exclaimed. She asked her children, Takhen-Tareng, whether they will live in the place of Mithun or where there is rice. They refused to go to either. "What do you prefer?", she asked. They shook their heads. "What if I let you stay in Punyi place (in the place of abundance of animals) and go outside?", she asked. They agreed. Okay, then keep trapping and eating the animals - she gave them arrows and left. She also gave them bamboo and tools made from it. She gave them poison from the mountains also. "Feed yourself by killing these animals", she taught them. There was one leaf she tied up and all the Mithun disappeared. Rice also disappeared. She tied everything and put it there. She said to Abotani, "It's your fault, not mine". She said 'Hadrǝ' and jumped into the Kaduang above. Abotani also said 'Hadrǝ' and jumped after Krii-amui. He arrived at a place of dried logs at night. Krii-amui again said 'Hadrǝ' and jumped to place called Donyi Tak Tak above – it's the place where the sun shines. Abotani also said 'Hadrǝ' again and arrived in Kaduang. Krii-amui said 'Hadrǝ' again and jumped further from Tak Tak langnǝ to inside, a place called Achying Achyang. Krii-amui said to Abotani, "Because of your mistake, we have nothing left to speak about". In the cold winter, she gave half a Khryag plant and instructed him to make cloth with it. "When there is a time of scarcity of food, then save your stomach with these", she said as she handed a branch/ stem of Tabua (a fern), one of Muang (a tree fern) and one of Metchi (the sago palm). That is what we, Puroik, are eating now. These three foods defeat famine. She threw a stem of each from above. "When you do puja (a shaman's rituals), say once 'Donyi', I'll give you a power appearing bright like sunshine". Only once did she show a bit of her long hair and Abotani disappeared. Khyak Mechidu suggests that it must be the non-tribals who later married Krii-amui because there is abundance with non-tribals – they have all kinds of things and material possessions. All materials come into the hill towns and villages from non-tribals. After Krii-amui left and Abotani came back to the house, Takhen-Tareng were shooting small arrows to catch the insects that lay their eggs in the summer season. They were roasting and eating them. Abotani scolded them, "You would look like a bird to your mother!" He hit them with a pair of tongs. Takhen scurried to one side of the house and Tareng to the verandah. They met outside the house and left to go onward together. They went to a place with the toughest terrain, where animals called Punyi Sakǝ and other animals lived. Both of them high in the mountains, had covered themselves in leaves and feathers of a bird. They used bones of animals to fuel the fire. They didn't use firewood. They used animal meat and other parts of animals. They made a roof of animal skin. They covered themselves and stayed close to the fire, so they stayed warm. They sat on a rug of animal skin. They consumed meat and lived. Their mother had not given them anything else. She had offered other fortunes, but they refused. She gave them only animals and livestock. They both disappeared from the house. Abotani wondered, "Where are my children?", and started looking for them. He arrived in the middle of Punyi Sakǝ. A bird called Pajaying flew overhead Abotani and said 'Chhe' and then dove down to the valley. It sat atop a rock. Abotani asked, "Are you an animal, or what are you?" The bird sang 'Klee Klau' in the early morning in the river. It still does to the present day. Abotani gave the bird a beautiful white-red-black patch on its face as wage/ price to tell him where Takhen-Tareng were. The bird told him, "Your sons are upstream of this river in the toughest terrain. Both your sons have not been collecting firewood. They are burning bones. They have made a house of feathers and skin. Abotani arrived there. Meat was in abundance to eat. Whatever they threw away, a bird called Chingchang ate it (likely a bird that eats animal remains or scavenges, possibly a kite or vulture?). There, like a spirit, it was resting upside down after eating the meat. Both Takhen-Tareng hit Abotani. The rock broke into two and chased away the bird. Abotani exclaimed, "Don't hit me. I'm your father!" One of the sons said, "If you're my father, please get Takhyu Satam (skin used as a shield that won't let an arrow pass through). Please get Lagbung skin also, otherwise I will not be able to call you my father. Abotani was using Apyo (cane instrument for winnowing rice) as a shield. He asked them to shoot an arrow at him. The arrow could not go through Apyo, which had otherwise split a rock into two. Abotani made a bamboo vessel and covered himself with it. The arrow could not penetrate that either. They both shot an arrow at Apyo also. They accepted these items. Accepting Abotani as their father, they welcomed him into the house. In the house, they had dried meat. They threw it towards their father and said, "Eat as much as you please". In the highest elevations, there is a bird called Cho-pajayi – a single one in Puyi Takǝ Se. And below in Puyi Lampo, there is a single wild boar, Dilufi. The brothers thought, "If father is here, we should get these animals for our father to eat". Abotani was asked to listen to the thunder around 3 o' clock. One of the brothers said, "A Mithun from the higher elevations wants to kill me". The other brother said, "Downhill, if you hear the thunder and see the lightning, then keep remembering me". "That time, we will die as well", they revealed to Abotani. They told Abotani to keep a Kajak, an instrument used for catching fish in the water and wait. Above Puyi Sakǝ, he should install a Kajak. So that at the time of the thunder, the animals that will flow downstream in the river will be caught in the Kajak. He was supposed to make the Kajak and fit it in the water before the thunder, but he did not do so beforehand. They were able to kill these animals alone and at once, these are dangerous animals. There was thunder in both places. Abotani cried a lot at that time. He didn't make a Kajak. He put a Ranjuk in the water. In that, a piece of cane/ rattan palm entered as well as a lot of litter. Khyak Mechidu explains saying that if Abotani had put a Kajak earlier, their lands and places would have abundant animals at the present. But as it originally happened, the animals crossed the hill areas and reached the plains, in non-tribal areas. Because of Donyi Baji (Krii-amui), this is the tale of Abotani. Both the sons Takhen and Tareng died that time. Krii-amui also ran away. It is unknown what happened to Yanjro. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:40) Abotani's marriage to a frog and desire to marry Krii-amui. [00:05:52 to 00:07:21 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:07:22) Krii-amui seeks to find the best suitor for herself. (00:11:11) Krii-amui accepts Abotani as her husband and puts forward some demands before finally going with him to his village. (00:17:30) In search of a caretaker for their third child, Krii-amui's warning to Abotani and his defiance. (00:20:19) Krii-amui's departure into the sky, her provisioning for Abotani and their two sons and the sudden retreat of his both sons, Takhen and Tareng. (00:25:00) Finding Takhen and Tareng in a place with an abundance of animal meat and the unfortunate loss of Abotani's two sons.

OH-008-24-3a Standing in his Palm grove, Khyak Mechidu shows a cluster of Makung variety of the Palm. He shares that it can be identified easily through the leaf. The leaf is bigger and the petiole is thicker and the stem is very tall. Sago is the same in colour as the other varieties but the leaf and stem look different. It has less fibre, and sago can be extracted easily. Depending on the soil, whether there are rocks or not, the cluster may support many stems or fewer stems. OH-008-24-3b Khyak Mechidu shows another variety called Matchinyo, whose stem is smaller and thinner and the leaf is also smaller in size. Sago is the same colour, i.e. reddish and has less fibre after it has fruited. It bears many young suckers depending on the soil. He shares that it grows slowly, not rapidly. OH-008-24-3c Khyak Mechidu describes another variety he cultivates, called Misa, which opens its leaf sheaths as it matures. The leaf is the same, just like the one he showed before this variety. The stem of Misa has greater girth and being bigger in girth, each piece yields more sago. Its sago, he says, is also the same. If maintained well, and in good soil, the cluster is bigger, with more stems. In his opinion, Makung variety yields more sago. OH-008-24-3d Khyak Mechidu shows a cluster of Nichve variety of the Palm, which has many young suckers. In appearance, he says, that the rachis of Nichve leaf is longer. He shares that he has learnt which variety it is from before, so he remembers it. Its sago is the same colour as other varieties. The trunk has less fibre and thus of better sago quality. The cluster size again depends on the soil. He has planted Matchinyo variety the most. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-24-3a (00:00:00) Description of Makung variety of the Palm. OH-008-24-3b (00:00:00) Description of Matchinyo variety of the Palm. OH-008-24-3c (00:00:00) Description of Misa variety of the Palm. OH-008-24-3d (00:00:00) Description of Nichve variety of the Palm.

OH-008-24-4a This is an old story of Metchi (the Palm). OH-008-24-4b A branch or stem of Muang (tree fern), one of Tabua (fern) and one of Metchi (the Palm) were thrown by Krii-amui, who told the Puroik to keep making them and eating. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-24-4a (00:00:00) The story of stopping the Palm from leaving by saying 'Jiji Taataa'. OH-008-24-4b (00:00:00) The origin of Metchi (the Palm), Tabua (a fern) and Muang (a tree fern).

OH-008-24-5a Khyak Mechidu shows us a variety in his groves and calls it Nijya, though we later realised he meant Nichve, the name he had first told us. He had adopted Nijya during our discussions on finding clusters of the variety Majya. Then we were able to clarify later. Hence, keeping in mind Nichve variety, he tells us that long back, he had planted the cluster he was showing us, and made sago from it. So, he remembered it and was able to identify it as Nichve. He says that the variety can be identified from its leaf. The leaf is big and the petiole is thicker. A few may be thin or small. For someone who has not planted it, the distinguishing features may not be visible. But as the one who planted the cluster here, and having made sago from it many times, he could identify it well, and has had a chance to observe the design closely. Its sago is the same in colour. Sometimes, the yield of sago mary vary from cluster to cluster even in the same variety. If maintained well, the cluster bears many young suckers. It needs to be protected from Mithun. He says that at the time of felling the stem, one can tell the variety and also when making sago. Depending on how hard or soft the pith is, only the one who fells the stem and chips off the pseudo bark (outer skin) will know the difference. Also, he shares that if a cluster is infested by an insect, the pith may be hard. OH-008-24-5b Khyak Mechidu comments on the sago of Misa saying that if Mraak is prepared from Misa variety alone, it's not that great. The consistency while making Maraak is not appealing. It can be mixed with varieties, then it's better. He shares that in most places, Matchinyo variety is more abundant. Because it has a big family, i.e. bears multiple clusters. And even from olden times, it's the most abundant variety. He shares that Matchinyo is the variety they have come using and have lived with. That's why Matchisik is planted the most in all villages. Other varieties like Beyryong are few in number. Its sago is good, but it's good to eat as Mraak. Matchinyo lasts longer too – once made, it will still remain good in quality after several days pass. On the other hand, if Nichve is made, after a few days, its quality degrades. It becomes slimy later if Mraak is made from it. Then, it's not nice to eat, its consistency is very watery. From the beginning, Matchinyo was more abundant. It bears more young suckers, and from there, it is transplanted to other places. If the site of replanting is good, it bears many suckers and has a big family or cluster. Beyryong and Nichve are less abundant, while it's been less in use as well. [Archivist's note: Matchinyo and Matchisik correspond to the same variety.] Time-stamped section headings OH-008-24-5a (00:00:00) Description of the Palm variety Nichve. OH-008-24-5b (00:00:00) Discussion on sago quality among different varieties cultivated by the speaker.

Varua Kabya is a large stone from the time when Varua people came here long ago. The stone opposite is where they would put a pot to cook the fibres from Khryag plant to make their cloth. This is the place where Varua people made cloth. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) The tale of Varua people and the large stone called Varua Kabya in lower Mecha village.

In this account, Khyak Mechidu reminisces about an event roughly 30-40 years ago, when his first born child was still a toddler. In the adjacent district, Kurung Kumey, there was an unusual snowing event. Where it would only snow in the higher elevations, that year it snowed in lower elevations too. It destroyed the leaves of the Palms and due to that, the sago content in the stems was heavily reduced. Even if four people worked an entire day to process many stems of the Palm, they would get only enough sago to last one evening. People were starving. The villages on that side were across a high mountain peak and were also the hometown of many women who married into Mecha, Mechidu and Surung Kasuang villages. At that time, brothers-in-law and sons-in-law on this side would carry loads of sago to their wives' families in Kurung Kumey. Even though the path was treacherous, they would keep making sago and transporting them across the peak for two years. There were a couple of times in the past, before anyone alive can recall, when there was a scarcity of sago in Mechidu village also. At that time, they would have carried sago from Kua Krung (or Kurung Kumey) to this side. This is the reason the Puroik people intermarry across these regions. In times of adversity, they depend on each other. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) A time in the past where there was scarcity of sago in Kurung Kumey.

In this recording inside a patch of forest, Khyak Mechidu speaks of a couple of Machyong clusters, i.e. the wild variety understood to have dispersed out of the groves through civets. He shares how he can discern the source variety of the two clusters to be Matchinyo and Nichve respectively. He says that the civet would have consumed the fruit of these two varieties in the grove and dispersed it out in the forest. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Describing the source cultivated variety of two wild Palm clusters.

OH-008-24-9a In this file, Khyak Mechidu explains the oral history of the Mechidu, Mecha, and Kasuang people. He begins by saying that Mecha people are also descendants of Do-Sulo and Vyeh-amui. They had six sons – Kuyu, Jaango, Paley, Yamtua, Kanhiye and Kaadak. Varu Telen are descendants of Yamtua. Jaango people at present live in Kua Krung and here also – across Sawa, the Wavong people. Mecha people are descendants of Kanhiye. Kuyu is the father of Byale Kasuang, Surung Kasuang, Mechidu people and Wagyong Kasuang too, who live downhill. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] He says that the ancestors of Puroik people have lived in the mountains since the past, as living in the plains was risky. People may kill each other or sell each other and safety was a concern. In the past, there were no clothes, there was only one piece of cloth. In this winters, people would keep the fire alive all the time and stock up food as it used to be very cold and people would barely manage. His ancestors, he says, did not farm much in the past, they would eat sago from the Palm, from Muang (a tree fern) and consume the starch from Tabua (a fern). They would live in the deep interiors of the forest. He says they kept making cloth by peeling fibers from a herb called Khryag. He expresses regard for the government that it is leading the tribal people to some relief. He feels confident that in the future, Puroik children will also become officers. He says that Abotani was alone at first. When Krii-amui partitioned things, she gave people the capacity to see at night. There was a bird called Jaajaa, who conspired to kill Abotani. But Abotani was clever and stored the night vision in the Leung or tender meristem of the Palm leaf. Jaajaa was going to the petiole of the Palm and found the night vision. It stole the night vision and gave it to Saki bambo, an animal of the water that eats man. The spirits could see clearly at night. They didn't even know that it was stolen. They went to ask Krii-amui. She advised them to see the fortune in the chick embryo. In the past, he explains, people would see the fortune before travelling to a place or taking a big decision. They would say the words for fortune-seeking and see the heart of the embryo for a sign. Krii-amui has given the knowledge of seeking the truth in the embryo's heart and safeguarding themselves to the Puroik and Nyishi people. He says that Achey Niki is the first one to become a shaman and give rise to shamanism. He was resting in between day and night, in a place called Samro Lakar. Abotani told Achey Niki that he is nearing death and requested him to do a ritual for him. Achey Niki inflated his stomach and sat, completely unable to move. Abotani gave a price to both Achey Niki and Niki Tasso, which convinced them to go with him. He sat on a log next to a farm and started a ritual for Abotani. Five days and five nights had passed. He placed a bamboo called Tajor Kito in a place where shamans emerged. He placed a piece of bamboo towards the land of the Tibetans, they started becoming shamans or getting shamanic power in their heart. Similarly for Tanang people, who tell fortune by looking inside a rodent. The Harang or non-tribal were given the gift of writing. The Tibetan people looked in the skin of Soryo-tak. Such gifts or powers were given to all groups of people. Khyak Mechidu sings Mabey for Melo Mechidu and Mansi Dhingra as a parting message for them, and to convey his best wishes going into the future. He urges them to work diligently, remember the Oral history they have recorded and keep it in their hearts. He says that the Puroik people have formed from the Palm. He asks both the women to not flow like wind wherever they go, urges them to be careful, to cross the water cautiously. He sings that he is telling us the oral history that has passed on from the oldest generations of the Puroik and asks them both to keep reciting it. During the day and night, he says he will also keep remembering them. OH-008-24-9b Melo Mechidu explains the message by Khyak Mechidu sung in the form of Mabey in the previous recording. Further in the recording, Khyak Mechidu answers questions about his early life, the village and settlements. He shares that as a child, he tried to study when a teacher came to Surung Kasuang village. His parents suggested otherwise as he was the only son who had to take care of familial land and the Palm groves. Some time after that, he recalls that the government urged people from the three clans, Mecha, Mechidu and Surung Kasuang to settle in allotted land for their villages. Considering the distance from the Kaiko (sago processing station), and other logistics, the Mechidu people settled in their present-day village. He shares that in the earlier days, houses would be far away from each other, generally constructed near a Kaiko or high up in the mountains. Seasonally, people would shift their houses going uphill in the summer and moving to lower elevations in the winters. He explains that during the summers, people living very close by are prone to falling sick and so, people preferred to shift uphill as the snow lifted. It was also to avoid encountering other people, who threatened to attack, capture and sell people. He recalls times when helicopters would pass over their lands, people would feel scared and hide in caves. At night, he says, people could not sleep. Family members would take turns keeping guard. They would eat and even sleep armed with arrows and dao (machete). Khyak Mechidu traces the genealogy of Mehchidu clan from ancestor Kuyu, one of the sons of ancestors Do-Sulo, to his son. He presents it in order of generations: Ancestors Kuyu, Yu, Mechidu, Aryabo, Tadung, Kasua, Tafi, Minma, Tachu, Tadung, Kaabak, leading on to his father, himself and his son, Joseph. He explains that earlier, people made their houses so far away, they had to scream to call each other. He also answers a few questions about how houses were made in the past. There would be wooden posts to level the floor of the house, woven leaves were used for roofing and the sitting area would be as close to the soil as possible, because there weren't many clothes and mud would give off heat at night. In the past, people would determine the fate of an action or decision by looking at the heart in a chick embryo. This practice of fortune-telling, he says, is what helped people survive. Whether they wanted to travel to a new place or find out if their family will stay healthy, they would check the fortune in the embryo and take the decision. He shares that people sometimes moved from month-to-month. Melo Mechidu elaborates on the difficulty of life for the hill peoples in the past. She speaks of the contribution of the government and Christianity in bringing ease and relief to their lives at present. The discussion turns towards a sago scarcity event in Kurung Kumey that happened a few decades ago (also referred to in session 7, please see OH-008-24-7). Khyak Mechidu explains that the Palms suffered due to an unusual snowing event in Kurung Kumey, and the sago yield was affected. He then speaks of other natural disasters. He says his ancestors had predicted the occurrence of events like tornadoes, earthquakes, eclipses and floods. OH-008-24-9c Khyak Mechidu continues to tell the legend of a time when there was a flood. All people and animals gathered on a mountain. From his own life, he reminisces about a time there was an earthquake at night, and a time there was a tornado. He shares the tale of the crab who removed wood or trees from the water during a flood, not letting it get blocked and allowing it to flow to the depth of the Earth. It leads to a discussion of where the water goes from rivers. He goes on to describe kinship with the land, who is the eldest brother and the sky is the younger brother. Kra Daadi, the highest mountain, he says, is the eldest brother among all the mountains. The ocean is also the elder brother. The four of them are elders. He speaks of Pyoyu and Nyayu, two brothers, as the earliest people. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-24-9a (00:00:21) The history of Mechidu, Mecha, and Kasuang people. [00:05:22 to 00:08:15 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:08:57) Losing night vision, fortune-telling for safety and the power of a shaman. (00:13:30) The origin of shamanism. (00:17:43) Message for Melo Mechidu & Mansi Dhingra. OH-008-24-9b (00:00:00) Parting message for Mansi Dhingra. (00:02:10) His early life, living in the mountains, and transitioning to a government established settlement. (00:10:53) Description of villages in the early days, seasonal shifting of houses, and guarding from intruders. [00:17:11 to 00:30:50 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:35:12) Genealogy of the Mechidu people from ancestor Kuyu. (00:40:51) Description of houses constructed in the past, movement with the seasons and fortune-telling by checking a chick embryo's heart. (00:50:20) Difficulty of life in the past, ease of life at present, travelling to far off places and an unusual snowing event in the past in Kurung Kumey that affected sago yield. (00:58:50) A natural disaster in the past, and his ancestors' prediction of natural phenomena like tornadoes, earthquakes, eclipses and floods. OH-008-24-9c (00:00:00) Description of natural disasters in the past, the role of crab in alleviating the impacts of floods, and kinship with mountain Kraa Daadi, the ocean, the sky, the soil, and the first people Pyoyu and Nyayu.

The father of all people was Abotani, who had many wives in the sky and each gave rise to different groups of people in the present. He married Nido Narang, who is the mother of all Harang people. He married Nido Beleng, who is the mother of all Topo people. He married Nido Nakung, who is the mother of Kung Ding people, who live in China. Abonibo or Abotani is our father, whether Harang, Nyishi and all others. He married Nido Kapi, who is the mother of all Puroik people. Kapi's son is Koro. At the time when we used to live in the sky, our mother was Mə-maye. Our great great grandfather was Rə-raye. Back then, all of us, Abotani's children, were carried in the same cloth. There was a sister and her elder brother. We would all eat from the same leaf, all together. Then, he settled in a new house with Kapi-mui in the sky itself. Kapi's son was Koro, his son was Chakaak, his son was Charaag, his son was Tuang, his son was Nuang. It was by the time of Tuang and Nuang that sky and earth were starting to separate. [Archivist's note: The meaning of the last translated sentence is unclear and could be understood to also mean that Tuang and Nuang arrived right at the point where sky and land were beginning to separate.] Some people who don't know say that we fell from the sky. If that had happened, people would have died. That's not true, Khyak Mechidu says, sky and land were in front of each other. It was like a step in front of the house. We stepped down to come to land. The Nyishi people said they'll go to the place of rocks. We (Puroik) decided to not go in the place of rocks. We decided to go to the place where a plant called Chahiyong was fluttering in the wind. We arrived at that place. We were given Mithun, rice and all good things. We were told to grow plants and raise livestock and eat. The Nyishi and Puroik have come separately. He says that the Puroik didn't raise the Mithun that was given to them well and also didn't farm much. The ancestors wondered how long they would raise the Mithun, so they decided to slaughter and eat the Mithun. They also cooked and consumed rice grains that were given as seeds to sow and harvest later. Around this time, the people descended from the sky to land. At that time, the Apatani people were our elder brothers. They said, "Let's go together". We, Puroik, thought we'll get some of the bitter water that all animals gather to drink. It is found in some places in higher elevations (likely a sulphur spring). In Puroik, it's called 'Sətayi'. Chung, Dung, Do, Sulo, Khyun, and Khya were six brothers. The Apatani people went a separate way ahead of us. We are brothers till date but had we gone together, we would have lived together. When our ancestors thought they'd fetch the bitter water, the Apatani people went ahead. Khyun Khya, both decided to go to Chhayi and fetch some of the bitter water. A big tiger of the mountains was the guard of that sulphur spring. The tiger guard was very clever, it had determined to not let Do and Sulo take any of the spring water. All the brothers were thinking of stealing some of that water. Khyun Khya schemed to get the water by shooting an arrow. The tiger was aware and was ready to guard the spring no matter where the arrow was shot. The iron tip of the arrow is called 'Laichuik' in Puroik. When the tiger was not looking, Khyun placed an iron piece like a tap and let it touch the tip of the water. A little bit of water entered it. Laichuik is a supporting piece of iron under the wooden portion of the arrow. It is a Puroik design. The brothers were ready to leave. They decided they will collect firewood and leaves amongst themselves. The tiger knew they stole and furiously appeared in front of them. The six brothers defeated the tiger. At that time, they asked Chung and Dung to retrieve bamboo pieces to serve as vessels for cooking the meat. Some of us will cut firewood, some of us will fetch leaves. Chung and Dung went to cut bamboo downhill. They would cut a piece and go further downhill, cut another piece and go further downhill. This way they kept going downhill. They reached a place where there was some water and collected all the bamboo vessels. Naba Nachar Kahuang is the name of a fish, also called Moing, on the other side. They travel in a certain season. The two brothers reached its place. All the fish entered the bamboo vessel. They decided the fish who've entered these vessels can also be eaten and lit a fire to cook the fish all night, after which they slept. They thought the four brothers would eat the meat they have. In the morning, Do, Sulo, Khyun and Khya found that Chung and Dung had run away. One of the trees they had cut off, called Sanjey Mare. Even if it was cut recently, it appears like it had been cut a while ago. They saw an arrow having been shot in that log. The leaves had appeared long by the next morning, making the four brothers think Chung Dung had travelled far and a long time ago and would not be found. Chung Dung, then went to the same place where fish appeared. They formed a group of people who don't cover themselves in clothes till date. Khyun Khya went downhill to the warmer places. Do and Sulo went to the mountains. They travelled to reach a place where it would be bright during night and day. People started becoming more human-like. That time, the spirits, humans, animals and birds would live together. They thought it would not be best for all to live together. While all lived together for some time, they decided to part ways later. They cut a stick and used it as a line between the spirits and humans. Khyak Mechidu tells us that spirits are our elder brothers. The younger brother asked the elder brothers, the spirits, "how will I talk to you?". The spirits said, "Say, Jey Byao, Jey Lana". This is how a shaman would speak to the spirit realm. By interacting with spirits in this way, they cured our illnesses. Elder brother went to the spirit domain and the younger brother went to the human domain. The animals and humans also decided it would be best to part ways afterwards. Then, people arrived at Narba village, that's when people parted ways with animals. The animals were then sent towards the night, separate from the humans. Generations of the Puroik followed, our ancestor Togok, his son Traak, then our ancestors Do and Sulo were born. They became human-like. We emerged in Chamchu Nive – Do and Sulo emerged there. Both of them saw that in the big river, Katoie, there were freshly cut pieces of vegetation. They thought there must be other humans creating the litter in the river. They started following these signs. They went upstream of Kabaik river. They made a bridge going towards the left side of the river to reach Katoie. They crossed it and saw that there was a path cut across leading to the Vyeh river. They cut through patches of banana and cleared the way. They started making a bridge across Katoie. They took a rope and a ring, it's called Krə in Puroik. It's called Krə-chuik. A bridge cannot be made directly. A rope is directly held taut and crossed by holding on to it tightly by both legs and hands. [Archivist's note: Katoie is the Puroik name for Kameng river] Then they went upstream in Vyeh river and smelled the upper parts of the Palm being burnt as fuel. The younger brother Do urged elder brother Sulo to not lose hope, and be prepared to find other humans. They arrived at a place where residue from sago processing was left. They identified it was the sago processing station of the Vyeh people. They heard the sound of a dao (machete) "Chang chang!". "We will search for the people, follow behind me quickly", said Do. When they encountered the people, all the people froze. The one dissolving the starch in the water sat frozen with their hands lowered and the one with their hands in the air froze as is. They were scared to see Do and Sulo. The men were ready to fight with their arrows and a weapon made with sharpened bamboo. They were ready to kill these intruders. Do and Sulo affirmed they were not enemies or strangers. They said they had come in search of other people as there aren't many people. They had followed the path that had been cut leading to that place and the smell of fire to meet with the Vyeh people. Do and Sulo proposed relations with the Vyeh people. They both returned to a place called Chintroo. They looked towards Kabaik river. They saw someone going upstream Kabaik river, which is white in a part of its body. It's a rodent called Chankachi. It brought back beautiful items from upstream the river. Do and Sulo decided to also follow Chankachi. They collected a honey bee that is big in size and sits on the river. They collected cane, a crab, a piece of ginger and decided to trace the footsteps of Chankachi to go upstream Kabaik and arrived at Chalang Padung. They looked around and found very few trees, rather open grounds and saw smoke rising. When they reached the place, suddenly the smoke was rising in a different spot. Do asked Sulo to wait in one spot where smoke appeared and struck an arrow in the ground at that point. They broke the Tibetan's house. The house-owner appeared with a dao. Do explained that he could not find the entrance and had to dig at the house. The Tibetan saw all the items they were carrying and spared them thinking they had come for trading and was interested in the items they had brought. They traded their items for other precious items. Tibetans have already had precious metals since the beginning to the present. Khyak Mechidu comments that when the Puroik ancestors were paying the bride price for Vyeh-amui Samui, the Nyishi people didn't help or contribute in any way, not even a dao or cloth, hence how are they able to claim to be masters of the Puroik people? They returned and offered precious items as bride price and married Vyeh-amui Samui. They were looking for suitable places to settle. In a day, they would be able to travel all across the geography 2-3 times in search of such a place. They travelled far and wide, even to the place where the sky and land were separating. At a time, one of the brothers would always be on the move. The Vyeh people have come separately from the sky and they fell in the middle of the sky and the land, in the gap between them. They have emerged from the ground from the bill of rodents. Vyeh people married rodents, Maryong and Mahang. The Vyeh people shouldn't eat these rodents. The rodents are the in-laws of the Vyeh people. Vyeh-amui's sons are: Kuyu, Jaango, Paley, Yamtua, Kanhiye, Kadak. They are six people, each of them had their descendants and now form different societies. Khyak Mechidu explains that Jaango form one society, Yamtua form one society, Kanhiye and Kadak form a single society and he as well as Kasuang people belong to Kuyu society. [Archivist's note: Society refers to a group of clans descended from a common ancestor and who don't intermarry at present.] The lands of Venia belong to the Kuyu people. Kuyu had three sons: Yelo, Chaado, Dungno; Yelo being the oldest and Dungo being the youngest brother. There is a river called Kua Paley in Venia. Yelo, it is said, used to hunt very much. Yelo used to hunt very much. There is a trap called Keeram, comprising a large stone like a Pajai, that Yelo has put to catch meat animals. A fish has come and been trapped in it. The fish is called Nagye Kahuang in Puroik. Yelo brought the fish home and kept cooking it for 2-3 days but it did not cook. He left it raw and at night, someone screamed, "Yelo! Give me a piece". Yelo handed out his hand and the stranger directly grabbed his hand. He was dragged all the way to Sange Kachua and further to Kua Paley river, uninterrupted over day and night. He was brought to the fish trap and beheaded at that spot. His head was left there and body was taken away. Dungno found out about his brother's murder and carrying this grief, decided to leave Venia and travelled to Tontei Sawa. He settled for a few generations in present-day Tungee lands. After Dungno's descendants also died, the land was occupied by the Nyishi people. At that time, Mecha and Kasuang clans got familiarised with each other. Then the ancestors of people settled in present-day Byale, Surung and Mechi villages were three brothers, Sungme, Byainche and Mechi. They were born to ancestor Yu, Mechi being the eldest son. Generations of people in Mechidu villages starting from elder Mechi are: elder Arre, elder Gagoya, elder Sung, Tafi, Chitǝ. After that two lines descended among Mechidu - one that was slightly thinner and one relatively healthier. Khyak Mechidu's own grandfather was elder Kaabak, his father elder Buachua and in the present, Khyak Mechidu himself. The next generation would be his son Joseph. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] Time-stamped section headings [00:00:35 to 00:00:36, and 00:00:41 to 00:00:43 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:00:49) The father of all people, Abotani, and all his children moving from sky to the land. (00:04:43) The distribution of foods at the time of reaching the land. (00:10:07) Spirits, humans and animals part ways and Do-Sulo arrive at Chamchu Nive. (00:14:31) Crossing the Vyeh river and meeting with the Vyeh people for the first time. (00:20:41) Origin of the Vyeh people. (00:21:09) The six sons of Do-Sulo and Vyeh-amui and where their descendants live today. (00:24:29) Ancestors of people in present-day Byale, Surung Kasuang and Mecha villages.

OH-008-25-1a Mamak Mecha shares an account that appears fragmented but with many important events alluded to and in fair detail. They are summarised here as best as possible, but given also the old age of the speaker, she admitted to forgetting some parts of the tale. In fact, the entire Oral history can go on for days and nights on end if allowed to be uninterrupted. The tale begins at the time of creation. The sky, the land, spirits and humans were created. The spirits were sent to the left side and humans to the right side. The Moon and the Sun were created. The Puroik people are younger than any other creature/ group of people. At the time of partitioning of food and materials, Puroik people were given their share at the end. Krii-amui, the sun goddess, mixed fruits/seeds of all the varieties and threw them from the sky onto a place of rocks. They scattered and where they reached are the places they grow in today. The Palms were given to the Puroik people to make sago and eat. Two instruments, Gaygong and Belek, were also given to the Puroik people, but were taken back. At present, these instruments are recreated in a simple manner from the memory of the original instruments. Puroik ancestors travelled far and wide to establish land and villages. In order, they surveyed Mangpi, Magpyong, Bongdua, Jayang, and Dagang, but decided not to settle there. When they arrived in Chamchu Nive is when people gained knowledge and started working, they started making sago and started farming. The Puroik people were given a 'Chakuk'. Some Chakuk was given to all groups of people. Mamak Mecha shares that the original Mabey or lyrical narration of Oral history was very lengthy and may be lost now. She advises that even so, as much as is known, should continue to be recited from generation to generation, whether with the Gaygong or only as speech. Even if it's in parts, all parts will join together and lead to a single direction. There is a place in the mountains where a kind of bamboo, called Maraang, grows. From a sunlit portion of the bamboo, the instrument Gaygong has been recreated. It is based on the memory of the original form and sound. Kapi-amui is the mother of all the Puroik people. Chakuing, Chanuing, Chakaak, Chalaak are her descendents and Do-Sulo are their sons. Do-Sulo have travelled far and wide, even to Tibet. There were once two sisters, who sat beside each other, facing away from one another and used to keep making handcrafted tools or bags. An insect called Chavi, sat in a tree called Taaru. This insect alone has a very long mythology but it may be difficult to narrate it all right now. OH-008-25-1b We have come from before with love. There is a kind of bamboo in the mountains, called Maikrue. There is a man called Bani. Yagli means seed. A seed of bamboo, a seed of calamoid palms, and of herbaceous plants was thrown. These seeds were thrown at the time of laying the mud or soil, after the entire sky was made. Sege, a spirit of the mountains, cries on the death of a human. Sege Myuro is the one who raises us. Do and Sulo were surveying the area to settle. In order to foretell fortune, the Tibetan were told to look at the rodent Sarsi in the soil. The Tanang people were told, look in the plate. Non-tribals were asked to see it in the lead of Soryo plant. The Puroik were given Domuk Chajang Doring to say in order to tell fortune. When we were non-Christian, we would tell fortune in this way. Mamak Mecha is telling the meaning or gist of the Oral history. Mabey will be very lengthy to tell. Metchi and Khryag, both plants were partitioned to us. Precious items like Chakuk and Kataak were taken back by Krii-amui. No one was aware of it or saw it. Two sisters were sitting beside each other, making handcrafted items from Calamus stem. They were sitting with Krii-amui. Chakuk, the real one, made of silver, was given to us here. The elder sister among them tells that yes, it was given but is now with Krii-amui. Gaygong was also given and was taken back. She warns the younger sister that many people don't know, so it should not be shared thoughtlessly. Gaygong is a replica of the original, made from a sunlit portion of bamboo. It is now made in a simple manner, it sounds similar to the original. The actual Gaygong and Belek – we reminisce and make their replica. Mabey is sung with a Gaygong or Belek. Others, if you ask, may not even tell you. I'm telling you in brief. OH-008-25-1d Mamak Mecha was born in Waji, across Byale, close to Langram kaiko (sago processing station). Her family was settled downhill and Padue Kasuang's family was settled uphill in Yerte. When the government came, they opened a settlement and all the villagers settled together, only recently. In her own family, she has a younger brother and only his two kids survive today, the others have all passed away. An elder brother from Byale village accepted bride price for her and so she had to come and settle into married life in Mecha. When she came to Mecha, her husband's parents had already passed away and so she had to work very hard and be tough, like a man – even as she was farming, raising the palms, making sago – this is how she has worked and come. There were many people in their family earlier but now, many have passed away. Her husband also had an untimely death. They had two sons and two daughters, whom she raised on her own. Life was very difficult and she has lived through some dangerous experiences very boldly, she says. These days, life is much easier than it was in the past. Her kids have grown up, they ask her to not work so hard. However, since she has spent most of her life working, she finds it difficult to sit idle and continues to work everyday. In the past, when times were difficult, she would remind herself that she could not be the only one suffering and has worked harder than a man to raise her family. She recalls a time when there was an earthquake very long ago. When asked to time it by bamboo flowering, she recalls seeing a bamboo variety called Micha flower only twice in her lifetime but in two different areas, Byale and Mecha villages. She says another earthquake may be around the corner as 3-4 generations have passed since the last one. To think, to tell, to know – she has stored the Oral history in her heart. It's like paper, it's etched in her memory. Mamak Mecha thinks these days, people don't actively listen or mindfully talk. They may unhear anything said to them. But in the past, people would hear once and memorise it at once. They memorised it as if it were an inscription on paper. In the past, the different families in Byale, though they would live apart, would share meat and resources. They lived together, in harmony. She keeps thinking about the way people live today. In the past, life was peaceful. Everything was well and her heart was happy. After that, at the time of tragedy when children unfortunately passed away, she felt a lot of sorrow and now again, because of Christianity, she feels a lot of peace and happiness. It's good. Christianity has come recently. Among the Catholic people, Sin Tama has brought Christianity. For the Revival branch, Puni Puroik has brought Christianity. Earlier, they used to hear the news that they had come to the outskirts. Now, it has arrived in the villages. Mamak Mecha believes that if Christianity had come earlier, it would have been more peaceful and maybe her children would not have died. There was a lot of illness in the past and now it's reducing. Before Christianity, they would heal the sick through a shaman. They had to make offerings of livestock and had to spend a lot of money to complete the rituals. Many people have died in that time, it's been very tough. There were many shamans earlier. Now they have all converted to Christianity, even the shamans. These days, younger people can earn easily. Mamak Mecha is content that her kids can earn and make a living. She prays for peace for her children – that they live well. She has many learnings from her own life, that sometimes her children may not be receptive to, but she believes she'll impart her wisdom to them in time. OH-008-25-1e This recording begins with the question of the origin of the sky and of pigs. Mamak Mecha shares that all the things that exist at present originated and were brought at once in the ancient past. She speaks of the sky and says that there are five skies above and six skies below, making it a total of eleven skies. Padue Kasuang explains that a person who dies goes through all these skies after their passing. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] Time-stamped section headings OH-008-25-1a (00:00:54) The time of creation. (00:03:22) Brothers Mamai and Rarai forbid joking and laughing, or else thunderstorms follow. (00:03:57) Krii-amui threw fruits or seeds of the Palm, which scattered to the places where the Palm grows today. [Archivist's note: The Puroik word for both fruit and seed is the same, Metchi uve, hence it could refer to either.] (00:04:19) Instruments, Gaygong and Belek, were given to the Puroik people, but taken back. [Archivist's note: Belek refers to the flute.] (00:04:49) Ancestors travel far and wide to establish land and villages of the Puroik people. (00:07:39) People gaining knowledge or a capacity to think and work, arriving in Chamchu Nive and then started working, making sago and farming. [Archivist's note: Mabey is the original form of the Oral history narration - a lyrical narration, sung in tune with an instrument called Gaygong.] (00:20:58) Partition of foods and precious items among groups of people. (00:25:37) About the loss of the original Mabey and Gaygong, and the encouragement to keep reciting Oral History. (00:27:40) The creation of a replica of the instrument Gaygong. (00:29:05) Kapi-amui, the mother of all Puroik People and her descendants, Chakuing, Chanuing, Chakaak, Chalaak. (00:33:22) Reason for scarcity where the Puroik people live. OH-008-25-1b (00:00:00) The origin of plants like bamboo, calamoid palms and herbaceous plants. (00:02:34) Two sisters, making handcrafted tools with calamoid palms, sitting next to each other, and with Krii-amui. OH-008-25-1d (00:00:39) Birth place and history of Byale and Mecha villages. (00:04:36) Life experiences, struggles and raising her family. (00:14:37) Recounting a natural disaster in the past. (00:17:48) Learning the Oral History in her younger years. (00:22:52) Moments of peace and the coming of Christianity. (00:28:26) Her life at present and sharing her life's learnings with her children. OH-008-25-1e (00:00:00) Oral history related to the origin of the sky – the existence of eleven skies.

OH-008-25-2a In this recording, standing next to a cluster of Machue variety of the Palm, Mamak Mecha explains how one can identify the variety. She says that the petiole of the leaf is thicker and there is less fibre in its pith. She goes on to explain the signs for maturity in any Palm stem, that from the time there are two unopened leaf buds on a stem until it has borne flowers, it has a high amount of starch in its trunk and is ready for harvest. OH-008-25-2b In this recording, Mamak Mecha describes the identifying features of Misa variety of the Palm. Standing next to a Misa cluster in her Palm grove, she points out that Misa has more fibre in its pith. She says the diagnostic characters are in the leaves, for example, the leaflets of Misa are thinner, and the midribs of leaflets are thick and thus make good brooms. The cluster, she adds, generally grows big, supporting many stems. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-25-2a (00:00:00) Description of Machue variety of the Palm. OH-008-25-2b (00:00:00) Description of Misa variety of the Palm.

OH-008-26-1a Nidak Mecha narrates the oral history of the Puroik people. As per the origin story, the Puroik people have come from above (the sky) from Narba village to Chamchu Nive. Tuang and Nuang were the ancestors of the Puroik people. Their sons, Do and Sulo married Vyeh-amui, a woman from Vyeh village. Their children were named Kuyu, Jaango, Paley, Yamtua, Kanhiye and Kadak. The descendants of these 6 lineages comprise all the Puroik people at present. The Nyishi and Puroik people have come separately. When looking for land in the past, they lived close to each other, became friendly and even have inter-tribe marital relations today. Earlier, the Puroik people had sago, and gave some to the Nyishi. The Nyishi said they would help with the bride-price. Having lived next to each other for so long, their languages have transgressed into each other's. The Puroik people also speak the Nyishi language more. But in the past, things were different. Krii-amui, the Sun goddess, partitioned food when people arrived on land. She gave the Puroik all they needed, the Palm, the calamoid palms and trees to provide wood. They were also given Mithun and rice, which due to neglect, they could not sustain till the present. However, in case of a famine some day, the reliability offered by sago, and two other vegetatively propagated plants, Tabua and Muang, will offer a respite to all peoples, who will come to the Puroik for help. Once long ago, there were two Suns, a husband and a wife, Krii-afu and Krii-amui. They would rotationally shine such that the light and heat was very high. All the water dried up, and so did all the plants. Life became very difficult. There was a small round cloud, which Abotani hit with a stick and it rained. Even so, there was little relief. An insect living in the soil shot an arrow and killed the male Sun. After Krii-afu's death, all the water in that place became red with blood and continues to be to this day. No one must see it directly, or they can die. But it was after Krii-afu's death that life became possible. Seeds of the Palm were first thrown in Jalyang Japyang, a place in Kua Krung. Half of the seeds fell on this side (East Kameng) in a place called Tabi Suarua. It is from these two places that the Palms everywhere else have been planted. Seeds of all the varieties were mixed and thrown by Krii-amui. Abotani is the father of all people, all tribes and all non-tribal people. He married many women and each of them gave rise to different groups of people. The Puroik are Baji's children. OH-008-26-1b [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-26-1c In this recording, Nidak Mecha shares the tale of a time in the Past when the Palm had decided to leave or go under the ground. It had started moving or tilting slightly inclining into the ground. To convince the Palm to not leave, Abotani called out to the Palm by saying "Jiji Tata", a parentese phrase, persuading the Palm by saying that Palm sago will always be eaten with meat, not with another vegetable or another part of the Palm itself. That is why, according to Nidak Mecha, the plant stayed and today, its best complement is meat itself. Other vegetables are not a good match, he says. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-26-1a (00:00:26) Origin story of the Puroik people. (00:06:56) A Puroik song from the past. [Archivist's note: By British period, the speaker means a very long time ago, or ancient] [00:07:33 to 00:08:04 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:08:13) The partitioning of foods by the sun goddess, Krii-amui. [00:09:58 to 00:10:06 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:11:57) The reliability of the Palm, and two other ancient foods, in case of a famine and dependence of other tribes on the Puroik people. [00:13:28 to 00:14:47 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:14:58) Krii-afu and Krii-amui: the two Suns. [Archivist's note: The insect being described is likely an earthworm.] (00:21:44) Origin story of the Palm. (00:23:41) Names of the Palm varieties. [Archivist's note: 'Tabok' or 'jungle billi' refers to civet.] (00:25:58) The father of all - Abotani. (00:30:50) Origin of the varieties of the Palm. OH-008-26-1b [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-26-1c (00:00:49) Narration of the story associated with Abotani's words to the Palm, "Jiji Tata".

OH-008-26-2a In this recording, Nidak Mecha names all the varieties and suggests that he will describe their identification features in the grove, when the features can be discerned on the Palms. The varieties he names include Makung, Matchisik, Misa, Beyryong, Majya, Machyong and Matchikhyaik. OH-008-26-2b Nidak Mecha explains that the differences among the varieties are best understood by looking at them. The identifying features are visible in the leaves, outer covering and the pith of the trunk. For an overview, he says that in Beyryong, the underside of the leaf is red and the rachis inside is white. The entire body inside is white. Makung has a very large trunk and so does Misa, but Misa's leafsheaths open over time. Majya has smaller, thinner leaves. Matchisik has longer leaves with more gaps between the leaflets. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-26-2a (00:00:00) Names of Palm varieties raised by the speaker. OH-008-26-2b (00:00:00) Identifying characters to distinguish between different varieties of the Palm.

OH-008-26-3a This recording was made next to a cluster of Misa variety of the Palm. Nidak Mecha explains the identifying characters of this variety. He shows all nearby clusters of the same variety. This variety opens the leaf sheaths by itself as the stem ages, he shares. He describes how the petiole is thicker in this variety. OH-008-26-3b Nidak Mecha shows a cluster of Matchisik, the most common variety. He explains how to identify this variety. He says that the petiole of the leaf is longer, and even within the leaflets, the distance is greater (about 2 inches far). OH-008-26-3c In the same Palm grove, Nidak Mecha shows a few clusters of Makung variety and shares how it can be identified by appearance. He says that it is an excellent variety. Its stem is very large in girth, so much that a single piece (about only half a metre) cannot be carried easily to the processing station like the other varieties (for which each piece being carried is nearly 2m). The leaflets, he describes, are closer together on the rachis. The petiole is much thicker and the leaflets are red on the underside. [Archivist's note: the rough measures in metres are from the researcher-archivist's notes made in the field.] OH-008-26-3d In this recording, Nidak Mecha describes the Majya variety. He refers to the stem, indicating the characteristic to be the fibrous outer-covering of the Palm. He says that while other varieties tend to have thicker stems, Majya generally has thin stems. Showing the leaves, he says that the leaflets are slightly angled inward and bent backwards. He says that this variety is the source of Machyong – the variety of Palm that is not raised, but dispersed by animals out from the groves and grows by itself in the forest. He had planted a number of Majya clusters next to each other in a small area of his grove. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-26-3a (00:00:00) Showing the clusters of Misa variety in his Palm grove and explaining identifying characters of Misa. OH-008-26-3b (00:00:11) Description of the variety, Matchisik. OH-008-26-3c (00:00:00) Description of the variety, Makung. OH-008-26-3d (00:00:00) Description of the variety, Majya.

Nidak Mecha explains how the variety Matchikhyaik can be identified by appearance. He says that the stem is wide and the leaf sheaths don't open by themselves. This variety doesn't bear many suckers, he says. He explains the differences visible in the leaves, through the colour of the underside of the leaf. This variety yields more sago and has less fibre in the pith. He emphasises how cultivators can tell the variety by one look at the leaf, following a combination of characters as he mentions before. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Description of the Palm variety, Matchikhyaik.

In this brief interview, Samui Mecha shows us a cluster of Beyryong in her sago grove. At first, by a slip of tongue, she calls it Makung, and corrects herself to say it's Beyryong. She goes on to say that its sago is white in colour though she didn't know how the differences manifested in the leaves of this variety. Padue Kasuang also present there suggests that the leaves are bigger and the petiole is thicker. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Description of Beyryong variety.

In this brief recording, Tabu Kasuang shares a small part of the oral history of the Puroik people. He sings a lyrical narration of the oral history called Mabey. He names the ancestors of Puroik people and the villages they lived in along their migration. Addressing Puroik children, he says Great great ancestor Sapayi married Samai-amui. Ancestor Chakaak married Chalaak. In Mangpi, they made a home and married Mangpi-amui. In Mamayi village, they settled and married Mamayi-amui. Then they married Mangto-amui. In Tra village, the ancestors married Tamai-amui. In Sato Boyeng, the ancestor married Sabaimo-amui. Then our ancestors arrived in Sabaimo village and married Sabaima-amui. He says Puroik ancestors married this way. In Lodu village, the ancestor married Lomai-amui. In Jyangu village, they married Lodu-amui. Ancestor Chakaak started living in Chalaak village. Chakaak and Chalaak were brothers. Ancestor Cha arrived in Nive village. [Archivist's note: It is unclear in the narration if Chakaak and Chalaak are spouses or brothers.] Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Brief excerpt from the oral history of the Puroik people.

OH-008-28-2a In this recording file and the next, Tabu Kasuang shares the oral history of the Puroik people. This is the origin story of the world. He says that the land was the elder brother, and the sky was the younger brother. All the plants had emerged from the soil. The stars had emerged in the sky. He says this is the story from his ancestors' time. The Puroik people have come making sago in the Kaiko (sago processing station), which was made in the sky and brought to land, so were the tools for making sago like Frenkhyu and Khyauk. They were made with a lot of difficulty. A Kaiko was given to the Puroik people, and then it went back to Krii-amui. It was called Chakuk. He explains that one Chakuk was given to the Tibetans, one to the Miji Bangru, one to the water goddess, Kua Haaye-amui, and one to the spirit elder, Meerua. Meerua also make handcrafted tools from bamboo. Meerua told the Puroik that their Kaiko was disappearing when Krii-amui was taking it. He explains that Kataak or the stone to beat the fibres of the Palm on, was made of real iron in the ancient past. He says that the Puroik people have also come making cloth, which the non-tribals are imitating to make cloth at present. At present, the Puroik people construct Kaiko as a replica of the original Kaiko that was given to them. He goes on to explain that Himalaya, the biggest mountain, emerged first. Then, Saniksa Kua-pi emerged, a river flowing from the topmost peaks. Then, Sapung Kua-pi and then, Gayong Kua-pi emerged. The tallest mountain in their lands is called Katoie Gyang. It is the eldest mountain, after which the smaller mountains have emerged. Puroik ancestors travelled through many villages in succession and married the women from there. Tabu Kasuang names these villages in order: Mangmayi village, Mangpi village, and Maryong village to begin with. He says that ancestor Sapayi married Sapi-amui, ancestor Tuang married Nuang-amui, and mentions ancestor Chakuk. In Mangpi village, an ancestor married Mangpi-amui. In Mangmayi village, an ancestor married Mangmayi-amui. In Trualo village, an ancestor married Tamaay-amui. In Jyedu village, an ancestor married Taro-amui. And in Chadro village, an ancestor married Məmay-amui. He says that Nisve-adu, the people who live on these lands, have lived with a lot of difficulty. In Jyangdu village, an ancestor married Lodu-amui. The Puroik people's ancestors have come making houses and constructing Kaiko (sago processing station). He speaks of other human groups, and says that the Tibetans were also partitioned foods and precious items by Krii-amui (Sun goddess). They were also given a Chakuk (or Kaiko). There was a time when there was a space between the sky and the land, when both were being sewn together. A boundary was being made around the sky and the land. At that time, a bird called Pangam made the land plain. He says that Doring-sing-bo is the one who created the sky and the land, and it was Changmag Baji who threw soil and made the land. Peecho-chhi-amui or Lumui was a spirit who threw a bamboo variety called Maraang that belongs to the higher elevation mountains and also threw a beautiful tree called Turung-lama. She planted all the seeds in the mountains. Then, the Tibetans were created and were once brought from the sky. There was a hole between the sky and the land, when they were brought to the land. A bird called Machi-chirep was the first to get through the gap between the sky and the moon and reach the land. It brought wild rice and planted it and came to Krii-amui. Mabey was given to the people. An instrument called Gaygong was given to the Apatani, Anang-Gaygong was given to the Topo people and the Miji people. Krii-amui gave the Puroik people a Gaygong. Tiger, who is the elder brother of the Puroik people, took their Gaygong. Jaaye-Gaygong was given to the non-tribals, and the last Gaygong was given to the Puroik people. He narrates that at the time of receiving the Gaygong, a mother was carrying a child who cried. The Gaygong fell in the water. It was fetched and kept to dry but at that time, it was taken back by Krii-amui. She enquired who took the Gaygong among all the plants and the wind as well. The thief was not found. In the morning, on the mountain, a portion of the Maduong bamboo where first sun rays fell, was taken, carefully not taken from the shaded side and was created into a replica of the original Gaygong. The Puroik people are descendents of Baji. They made replicas of both instruments, Gaygong and Belek. He says that the Puroik were given the most beautiful Mithun as well. While they were making houses one after the other, they slaughtered the Mithun and ate it. Since then, they had committed a sin and so, it has been difficult for them to raise Mithun. He shares that they were given rice too, which they ate and finished as well. Hence, he says, they are unable to cultivate much rice at present either. He continues the ancestry and mentions ancestor Chakaak who married Chalaak-amui. In Yangduv village, an ancestor married Lodu-amui. In Ruadu village, an ancestor married Tamuang-amui. He reiterates that the Puroik have led difficult lives. It was difficult to make cloth and there were no clothes at first. Since the Harang (non-tribal) people arrived in their lands, they have brought machine-made clothes and so people have access to clothes easily. In the past, he says that the men wore a garment called Kaugveyu made from 4 bundles of fibre. People would stay up nights spinning fibre in the past. He says that in the beginning, all people lived in the same village. Harang-Tanang-Pabyeng-Pakhyo are all sons of Abotani. A stick that is used for making cloth, called Mapai, was brought by Haaye-amui, the water goddess. She made a pond called Gangta Tabya. He shares that there came a time when people were becoming more human-like. They got shadows and after getting a shadow, the people started singing a simpler version of Mabey. Returning to the partitioning of precious items, he says that the Tibetans were given a Chakuk, the Harang people or non-tribals were given a Chakuk (in the form of a rice mill), the Tanang people were given an instrument called Anang-Gaygong and Ana-Gaygong. He says that their ancestors have come playing and laughing with Abotani. He mentions Mitung-Mira from the spirit domain to have come first. In the sky, he says, Abotani married some women. The Tanang people also came from the sky, as did the Topo people and the Tibetan people, all of whom are descendents of Abotani. Abotani married Sachang Loyang, who gave rise to the Nyishi people. Nido Lungbiu-amui is the mother of the Tibetan people. Abotani married Nigin-ginə, the name continues to the present. And Kapi is the mother of the Puroik people. He narrates further that the Bajua people in Kurung Kumey also have similar language, they are also Abotani's descendents. All groups of people, he says, have come migrating through villages together. Many generations before the present have lived and the Oral history is very long spanning all these generations. He mentions a series of villages the ancestors have migrated through: Changma, Pyomi, Pyoma, Heerə, Heema, Redo, Repa, Tayang, Pama, Paanso, and Dagang. He says that people still had tails when they arrived in Dagang village. There was a pond called Narba, where tadpoles were swimming. Their tails transformed into legs. All the people had gathered and saw this. At that time, all the spirits and humans were gathered, the spirits on one side and humans on the other, and all had tails. The spirits were in black colour and humans in white. The tadpole tails had started receding. Imitating the tadpoles, people started cutting each other's tails. There were people who ran away feeling scared at the time. He says that there are still people who have tails. After cutting the tails, there was a small stub of the tail left. People rubbed the stub on a big stone, called Narba Kabya-tak and got rid of it. He then speaks of the stars in the sky and the plants and the partitioning of precious items again. Krii-amui gave Anang-gungri or Belek (flute) to Tanang people, Ana-gungri and Gaygong to Topo people and to Haaye-amui. Tibetan people were given Saare-gungri. He mentions two brothers, ancestor Chakok and Chalok who arrived in Lodu village and two brothers, ancestors Do and Sulo who arrived in Chamchu village, and then in Nive village. There was a tree called Silə, and a bamboo cluster, called Madə, which still exists to this day. Ancestors Do and Sulo were looking in the water of the Katoie river, when they were killing a Bansi fish. They had been collecting banana leaves and in the water, they saw the residual fibres of sago floating downstream. They thought there must be other people upstream and decided to follow the traces to find the people making sago. When they arrived, the saw people making sago and beating the Palm fibres. They were Vyeh people. They were also making a 'dao' (machete). Scared of the intruders, they started shooting arrows at Do and Sulo, who protested saying that they had come to talk and make friends with them. They asked the Vyeh people where they had come from. They told them that they had come from above, but fell into the depths of the soil, where they married Nyachi-amui, a rodent called Maryong mahang and Nyasi-amui, a rodent called Abua mahang in Puroik. In this encounter, Do and Sulo asked to marry the Vyeh people's daughter. They caught a honeybee found on the rocks and took it to Tibet, following a rodent called Chankachi in the water. In Tibet, they saw smoke coming from the ground but it would disappear when they got near. They had carried many items on their backs. One brother placed an arrow in the ground at the spot smoke was emerging from. They thought there must be people there. Ancestor Do, he says, stomped on the ground at that spot and broke the house of a family of Tibetans, who caught his leg and prepared to attack the brothers. Again, they protested and offered them all their belongings. They said they had come to trade and asked them to step outside. Among their belongings was a medicinal item, they handed a part of the animal called Kungtam. In exchange, they received precious items from the Tibetan family and returned to their own family. All their sons, Kuyu, Jaango, Paley, Kaadak (Kanhiye, and Yamtua) were named after places of the house they were found in or after some of their characteristics by their mother, Vyeh-amui. Vyeh-amui was angry with the lack of input or interest from both the fathers. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] OH-008-28-2b In this recording, Tabu Kasuang goes on to narrate the Oral history. He mentions a bird, an insect called Yaayaa, and handcrafted items. He goes on to say that an instrument called Rairyu was with the Harang (non-tribal) people, and Miji and Puroik the elder brothers, were making cloth. He says that the Harang people saw and learned to make cloth from them and went on to know more than them. They had first observed the spider to make cloth. Rairyu, he says, was given in the care of a bird called Abroi, who has a melodious call. A small honeybee that lives inside the tree came next and then the honeybee that lives on rocks in higher elevations was made, and then another honeybee called Kamaing. He says that the Harang or non-tribals produce many things now, whether cloth or other items. He says that the Puroik used to make cloth with the stick called Mapai. The Harang or non-tribals know how to produce more items at present. OH-008-28-2c In this recording, Tabu Kasuang shares a shaman's words in Puroik Masuik. He also shares that he trained and spent a long period of his career narrating Masuik in Nyishi language, and hence he knows it less in Puroik language. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-28-2a (00:00:21) The origin story of the Puroik people, creation of the sky, the land, stars, and the origin of the sago processing station, tools, and partitioning of foods to all groups of people and other creatures. The origin of the Himalayas and other mountains. (00:05:57) Migration of ancestors through villages, receiving Chakuk from Krii-amui. (00:08:41) The time when sky and land separated, the origin of soil and origin of Maraang bamboo, Turung-lama tree, and all other higher elevation plants. The origin of Machi-chirep bird, wild rice, Mabey (the lyrical narration of oral history), instruments Gaygong and the partitioning of Mithun and cultivable rice grains to Puroik people. (00:16:50) Continued migration of ancestors through villages, the difficulty of life in the past, and spinning fiber in the past. Abotani, the ancestor of all groups of people. (00:20:49) Becoming more human-like, and the ancestry of different groups of people. (00:26:10) Continued migration of ancestors through villages. (00:27:54) The time when people and spirits had a tail and the process of losing it. The partitioning of an instrument called Belek (flute) to different groups of people. (00:33:03) Ancestors Chakok and Chalok arriving in Lodu village. Ancestors Do-Sulo finding the Vyeh people, marrying Vyeh-amui and travelling to Tibet for trade. OH-008-28-2b (00:00:00) The oral history of the instrument Rairyu, of the production of cloth, and mentions of the origin of three kinds of honeybees. OH-008-28-2c (00:00:00) Narrating a couple of lines of Puroik Masuik by the speaker.

In this recording, Tabu Kasuang answers questions about the origin of the Palm and its varieties, variability of sago characteristics among the varieties and replanting and maintenance of young Palm suckers. He says that the Palm was given to the Puroik people by the Sun goddess, Krii-amui, at the time of partitioning of foods, when people were coming to the land. All the varieties present today were mixed and thrown from above in a place called Pulojaria. From them, young suckers have since been replanted. The most abundant variety is Matchisik and other varieties are less abundant. Kaiko, or the sago processing station was also given to the Puroik people. The real one was made from silver and was called Chakuk. It was, however, taken back. He says that Meerua, the spirit elders, saw their Chakuk being taken away. At present, one Chakuk is with Krii-amui and another with Meerua. Chakuk, he adds, was responsible for the rotation of day and night. He mentions Kua-amui, the woman of the water, who used to make cloth. The stick she used to make cloth is still there. He goes on to say that the tools for making sago were also brought when the people came to land, so did the knowledge of making sago. He explains that there are two places called Pulosang or Pulojaria, one in the sky and the other on land. He shares that Matchichuik and Matchikhyaik are the oldest varieties of the Palm. He explains that Machyong are the ones that sprout from the seed in the forest, when they are dispersed by civets out of the grove. When asked about the appearance of variability and new varieties, he shares that all the varieties of the Palm have remained the same since the beginning and no others have appeared and it would not be possible to create a new variety. Beyryong is the variety with white sago, the fruits of which are very appealing to the civets. However, Tabu Kasuang has not encountered a Machyong with white starch. He comments on the possibility of non-viable seeds. He describes the growth environment of the Palm, suggesting that it grows better in plain than steep areas, in the foothills where good soil gets collected, and in rocky soils. If planted in the summer months, the Palm grows tall and even better if the leaf of the young sucker is removed, the outer covering opened and the stolon has small cuts along its length. Before planting Palm suckers, one must clear the land and remove big trees. Once planted, the Palms are maintained by clearing the undergrowth regularly and removing old leaves and dried petioles from the stem. The leaves may be spread on the ground to discourage the undergrowth, he adds. He speaks of other animals like rodents and birds that nest in the Palm clusters, using the fibre on the stem for their nests and of some rodents that consume the Palm starch. He says that Beyryong doesn't have a good quality sago while other varieties are better. He adds that varieties with more fibre also have sago of better quality in terms of consistency after cooking, perhaps the best variety being Matchisik among other good options like Majya, Machyong etc.. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:36) The origin of the Palm, the origin of different varieties of the Palm, the knowledge of making sago, the real Kaiko (sago processing station), and the tools for making sago. (00:12:32) The form of the Palm when it was received, Pulojaria of the land and of the sky, description of Matchichuik and Matchikhyaik. (00:19:49) On the possibility of creating new varieties, animal dispersal of the Palm out of the grove, civet preference for Beyryong but no wild stems of Beyryong, and suitable growing environment of the Palm. (00:28:55) Maintenance and care for the Palms, preparing a grove for planting suckers of the Palm, animals taking shelter in Palm clusters, consuming the starch in its trunk and best sago varieties.

OH-008-28-4a In this recording, Tabu Kasuang shares the story of his life, the hardships, the rewards and the experience of becoming a shaman. He shares that his parents passed away when he was very young. He has grown up through difficult times and faced people's doubts, harsh treatment and scarcity of resources. Today, he has built himself, owns property and has earned respect through hard work. He shares his experience of becoming a shaman. His father was a shaman and so were his brothers. He practised and also became a shaman. He realised that he had this power after he saw a dream with a flying squirrel in it. He shares that being a shaman needs a strong mind and sharp focus. Interacting with the spirit domain makes a shaman vulnerable as well. Hence, he says, one needs to practice and strengthen their own spirit. He speaks of the difficult circumstances in the past for hill peoples. There were no clothes, no shoes, and people had to be extremely alert. He shares that people used to plant Mijai bamboo around their house to keep intruders away. Food was scarce in the olden days. Back then, he says, villages were smaller. Today, he says there is help from the government and life is much more peaceful. He acknowledges that life in the past must have been difficult for all people and there may have been more resources and relief in their homelands. In his time as a shaman, he has travelled far and wide. He shares about his travels till Tezpur and meeting all kinds of people, understanding their hearts and minds. He urges people to not underestimate anyone because they are young, they can be more successful in life. In his shamanic practice, he used to resolve conflicts. He says that a shaman's power is in his mind and so whatever he has seen and done in his life, he has remembered and stored in his heart. OH-008-28-4b Tabu Kasuang speaks of two people who were killed in the history of Kasuang people. He did a shaman's ritual for their souls. This event impacted where present-day Kasuang villages have settled. He says that Kasuang people alive today have come from six brothers. He says this is also the place where ancestors Dungno and Chaado had settled and passed away. He speaks about his preference for living independently, away from the large settlement, even though he has land in Surung Kasuang as well. Speaking of shamanic practice, he shares that though it is possible to speak in Puroik language, he apprenticed and worked more in Nyishi language. When asked about how he used to cure illnesses, he shares that he used to get visions, in which he could see who needed healing. He shares that he cannot see the visions much anymore. He shares that if a shaman doesn't practice, their body suffers, falls ill and becomes weak. It's very difficult to continue his practice these days because most people have turned Christian and that's why his body is weak and takes a hit sometimes. From day-to-day, he shares that he spends time foraging, trapping and in pursuit in order to acquire food. This is how he has lived and continues to. His heart feels that someday he'll be someone and wear good clothes. Tabu Kasuang shares that the language of a shaman is very long and detailed. There are different words in the practice for sacrificing a Mithun, a cow or a pig for example. He shares a bit about the shaman's practice for healing. He says that a shaman must burn/heat a dao and subject a person to it for cure. He says that shamans mediate with the spirit world, they exchange animal lives for human lives. The power of shamans is very high, he says. So is true for Christians and doctors as well. He says what shamans can't do, Christians and doctors can. At the same time, what they can't do, shamans can. Reflecting on the future of shamanic practice, he says that it won't disappear. Krii-amui belongs to all and so does the moon. He considers them the creators. He shares that a shaman's power and knowledge are given by two brothers, Reyrang and Chajang, and Achey Niki. A shaman asks for power from them in order to heal others. OH-008-28-4c Tabu Kasuang describes the Tasung variety of the Palm. He refers to a legend about Abotani's hair being the source of fibres in the Palm trunk and says that Tasung has a lot of fibre. It is very hard and the sago consistency is very good. When asked to describe its appearance, he shares that Tasung has distinctive characters in its leaves. The leaves are much longer. The stem is also thin and tall. He cultivates six varieties of the Palm including Tasung. He complains that the fibre content is so high that Tasung variety may even be avoided from planting all together. He compares the different varieties of the Palm with different people, how some are fat, some are thin, some are tall and some are short and so on. There is variability even within the same variety, he adds. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-28-4a (00:00:35) His life experience so far, what he has seen and how he has lived to this day. (00:02:28) Taking care of himself as a child. (00:04:27) Place of birth and becoming a shaman. (00:12:11) His experience as a practicing shaman. [00:15:53 to 00:18:28 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:18:29) The difficulty of life in the past, scarcity of food, and fear of strangers. (00:26:00) His travels and learnings through his life. OH-008-28-4b (00:00:00) The history of Kasuang people and the reason they settled in their present villages. (00:10:30) The kinds of illnesses he cured as a shaman. (00:19:17) His occupation from day-to-day. (00:21:48) On language of a shaman during practice. (00:23:52) On communication/ exchange during a ritual. (00:27:59) Future of shamanism and the source of shamanic power. (00:34:20) The reason for animal sacrifice. OH-008-28-4c (00:00:00) Description of Tasung variety of the Palm.

In this Oral history narration, Tabu Kasuang tells us that the first Mabey or lyrical narration of the Oral history was sung with an instrument called Gaygong. Puroik ancestors have come playing the Gaygong, making handcrafted tools, and making clothes. The words they said earlier are present till date. The history of people's lives that has been passed on from our great great grandparents will live even after them. The soil was the elder brother and the sky was the younger brother. The soil gave rise to the plants. The stars emerged from the original Kataak that flew into the sky. He urges the younger children of the next generation to listen carefully and pass it on to the generations succeeding them. Abotani was the father of both Nyishi and Puroik people. The mother of Nyishi people was from the land and their father was Abotani. The first woman he married was Meerua. Then, he married the woman from the sky and had many children. Then, Abotani married Kapi or Baji-du, who was the mother of Puroik people. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Consent for deposition of oral history recording at the Archives at NCBS. (00:04:13) A short excerpt of the oral history of the Puroik people.

OH-008-29-1a During a visit to his grove, Abing Kasuang shows a cluster on the side of a trail. The name of the variety, he says, is Machyong. The name is given to the Palm clusters that grow in the forest by themselves without having been planted. He can identify the variety from his experience of making sago from a stem of this cluster. The sago is the same as the other varieties, but from memory and experience, he knows this cluster is Machyong. He maintains this cluster along with his own planted Palms in the grove, right across the trail. So, for years he has known this particular cluster and which variety it belongs to. OH-008-29-1b Inside his grove, Abing Kasaung has planted two varieties together, Misa and Matchisik. He describes an individual of Misa variety in this recording. He says it is distinct in appearance – the leaves are bigger and the girth of the stem is greater. It is also visible in the trunk. Misa variety is marked by the opening and shedding of leaf sheaths, a character never seen in Matchisik or Machyong. The sago of both varieties is about the same. However, the yield in Misa is variable, roughly one load, sometimes more or less. Machyong has more fibre in the trunk, while Matchisik has less fibre. Misa doesn't have much fibre either. When it's grown, it yields more sago. The sago of all varieties is the same, according to him. He prefers the other two varieties over Machyong because Machyong has more fibre. Misa, when newly planted, one piece of a mature stem is also extremely difficult to carry (due to starch content), that is why he likes the variety. He had neglected his Palms and not maintained them for a long time. Just a few days ago, he cleared the undergrowth in his grove. There are too many Palms to maintain. A bird was seen flying to a Palm in the grove. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-29-1a (00:00:07) Characteristics of Machyong variety, the variety that grows in the forest and is not raised. Discussion about its appearance and identification, and starch quality. OH-008-29-1b (00:00:00) Characteristics of Misa variety, its appearance and starch quality. Comparison with other varieties raised.

OH-008-30-1a Semey Kasuang sings a song about the difficult lives of the Puroik people in the earlier times. She says her ancestors have come leading difficult lives. Making sago was very difficult and people used to take shelter under the leaves of the Palm, sleeping on the ground. They would make cloth from Khryag, a herb, and supply it to all other people, including the Nyishi people. These days, she says, the younger generations are leading very comfortable lives since the non-tribals have come to their areas and brought ease of life, for example, people these days are making houses with tin roofs. OH-008-30-1b Semey Kasuang contrasts the difficulty of life in the past and ease of life in the present day in a song. She says these days, life is not difficult for their sons and daughters, who make houses with tin roofs and cemented posts. In the earlier times, people would keep making sago and their clothes would turn red during the process. They had to make their own cloth from the herb Khryag. Women would keep making fibre from Khryag while carrying children on their backs. She comments on how ever since the non-tribals have reached the nearest towns, life has become easier. Earlier, the men would wear only one piece of cloth, made from Khryag. Due to the coming of the government, there is availability of clothes, tin roofs and cement posts for the houses. OH-008-30-1c Semey Kasuang sings a song to the children of non-tribal people, teaching them how sago is made. She describes the process, indicating the method of beating fibres of the pith of the Palm to separate starch from them. The song's lyrics suggest a depiction of the method of processing of sago. She sings further to indicate the way a bamboo tool, Khyauk, is used to shred the fibres in the trunk of the Palm, how they are beaten to make sago. She indicates how the Puroik people carry the Palm to the processing station, Kaiko, along with tools like Vaa and Riyek which are used to sediment and filter the sago respectively. She sings about how the stones in the processing station are first cleaned with water and how the sago is collected once it has sedimented at the end of the process. She ends by singing about how the sago is carried back to the house. OH-008-30-1d Semey Kasuang sings a song about work done by Tani or in the footsteps of Tani. The lyrics repeat how people work and farm, people live and die, and they work and farm. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-30-1a (00:00:00) Song about the difficulty of life for Puroik people in the past and contrasting with the present. [00:00:12 to 00:00:16, and 00:00:58 to 00:01:07 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-30-1b (00:00:00) Describing the difficulty of life for Puroik people in the past and contrasting with the present. OH-008-30-1c (00:00:00) Song about the process of making sago, addressed to the children of non-tribals. OH-008-30-1d (00:00:00) Song about working as Tani.

This interview began with the narration of oral history of the Puroik people. It also goes on to cover a bit about the speaker's life history and her knowledge of the Palm. Mato Mechidu is from Byale village and got married into Mechidu village. She starts reciting the Oral history by telling us that the father of all Puroik people is an insect called 'Ramarua' and the mother is 'Kamaimua' (Puroik name for honey bee). She names the villages in the migration path of the Puroik people, Mangpi, Maryo, Sapi, and Sariyong. A few of these places were in the sky and a few on the ground. The Puroik people arrived in Chamchu Nive. At the time of making the leap to land from the sky, the Nyishi people chose a place of rocks. Puroik people chose a place where a leaf of 'Chahiyong' was fluttering. The leaves of the plant Chahiyong are still used today to wrap Marung (fermented bamboo shoot). There is a place called Chamchu in the sky and on land, there is Chamchu Nive. The father was Khyun and his elder brother was Khya. Do and Sulo were also their brothers, who followed a rodent called 'Chankachi' to Tibet for trade. Khyun, unfortunately died in a Tibetan place because of the cold and Khya, also passed away in a place called 'Kajong' which is close to Byale. There is a rock to this day that looks like a human in a place called Vakǝ Salǝ. The Paching people have arisen from the rock. Do and Sulo married Vyeh-amui and their sons Kuyu, Jaango, Paley and others gave rise to the Puroik people today. At the beginning, a single plant of each kind was given. One plant of Khryag, the plant used to make cloth in the past, a single bamboo, called Madǝ, a single calamoid palm or cane, called 'Arai', a single herb and a single tree existed at first. From one, they have multiplied. [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] Byale's ancestors, though, are foggy in her memory. Because it's not been recited enough, she doesn't know the tale. The ancestors married a woman from Tajue and Kaapo. There was an epidemic in Byale in the past, where everyone contracted a sickness like dysentery. Many people died. Some people ran uphill in the place called Yerte and were saved from death. In Puroik, dodging an arrow is called Katchiye, that's why the river running next to Byale is called Katchiye KuaPi. People in Byaluom are elder brothers, who stayed in the place called 'Paibala', uphill between Mehcidu and Surung Kasuang. There, the people who live are the eldest brothers of the people in Byale. Life was very difficult in the past. Mato Mechidu didn't have many siblings, just one elder brother. She lost her father at a young age and then got married into Mechidu. Because she didn't have the chance to ask or hear the Oral history more often, she doesn't know the tale anymore. Life at present is much easier. Clothes are available. Earlier, they barely wore any clothes and the clothes would turn red from making sago. She cultivates nearly 5-6 varieties of the Palm and tells the tale of the origin of the Palm. It was given to the Puroik people by Krii-amui, the sun-goddess, in a place called Jalyang Japyang. From a single palm, all the other palms have been vegetatively propagated. As for the calamoid palms and a plant called Manǝ (ǝ denotes 'a' sound), a single plant was present, fruits and seeds of which were then dispersed by birds and animals and they were spread all over the forests. The varieties differ in the quality of sago but she raises all the varieties and cares for them and maintains them. There was one palm brought to Byale from Kua Krung (Kurung Kumey), which she is unsure whether it remains alive. She expresses that since experiencing tragic events such as the loss of her children, she is forgetting the Oral history. She used to know more, but her heart and mind are now different as she has struggled to cope with the loss. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:25) The speaker's background – born in Byale village and married into Mechidu village. (00:00:46) Migration of the Puroik people. (00:02:30) Arriving in Chamchu Nive and Khyun Khya meeting an unfortunate fate. (00:05:14) A single plant of Khryag (from which cloth was made), Madǝ (bamboo), Arai (cane), Chhuey (common name for herbaceous plants), and a tree were given in the beginning. [00:05:46 to 00:06:47 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:07:03) Byale's ancestors and an epidemic in Byale in the past. (00:07:53) Recounting the loss of her father and marrying young. (00:09:33) The speaker's life history and past struggles and present circumstances. [00:13:49 to 00:14:44 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:18:36) The varieties of the Palm she raises and the Origin of the Palm. [Archivist's note: Manǝ is the name of a plant that is used to sedate fish and catch them]

OH-008-31-2a In this recording, Mato Mechidu explains whether Nichve and Nijvay are different names of the same variety or two distinct varieties. The discussion flows between both possibilities and it remains unclear. However, she stresses that both names were given by Krii-amui and that's how they have come to be, pointing that both may be different varieties. The confusion may also result from loss of information during translation between languages. OH-008-31-2b In this recording, Mato Mechidu answers questions about the difference in appearance and sago qualities between Nichve and Nijvay. Following up on the last discussion which ended in the two names being distinct varieties, questions about the differences in sago were brought up. She shares that the differences can be noted while opening the outer covering of the stem. Both Nijvay and Nichve are lighter in pith colour closer to the colour of Beyryong. She says that though the leaves may appear the same and confusing, the differences can be seen while felling the stem, due to the fibres. She shares that the colour of sago is different for both, Nijvay has sago with a deeper red colour and Nichve has sago with a lighter red colour. The differences, she adds, are most visible when making sago. When asked about the origin of the two varieties, she says that Krii-amui gave both the varieties in the beginning as separate, distinct varieties. When asked if she knows another variety documented during the research, Machue, she says it must be the same. The lighter coloured sago, Nichve, gets spoiled faster in the summer season than the deeper red sago, characteristic of the variety Matchisik. It has a longer shelf life, lasting up to two weeks even in peak summer. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-31-2a (00:00:00) Discussion about the difference between Nichve and Nijay varieties, whether they are the same or different. [00:06:15 to 00:38:08 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-31-2b (00:00:00) Differences in appearance of the two varieties Nichve and Nijvay. (00:06:25) Differences in the colour of sago between Nichve and Nijvay. (00:10:38) The origin of both varieties, discussion about a third variety name, Machue, and the shelf life of sago from different varieties.

OH-008-32-1a Abyu Kasuang recounts the names of his ancestors generation after generation, from the beginning of time till his successors and shares how the Puroik people have lived to the present-day for thousands of years. He shares that one of the earliest Puroik ancestors was Changya, whose son was Mangpi-lo. His son was Sapi-lo, then it was Changya-lo. Then, he says, the successors arrived in (or the descendent's name was) Donya. In each of these villages, ancestors of the Puroik people lived for one or few generations before moving on to the next settlement. [Archivist's note: The names of ancestors are used interchangeably with the names of villages they lived in. Likely, both names were the same or derived from each other.] He goes on to say that his ancestors then appeared in Narba village. Not only his ancestors, all people from the entire world were there together in Narba village. The non-tribal people went to the lower elevations. The Chinese people went further North or to higher elevations and the Puroik, settled in these places, referring to their current homelands. He says that their father was Abotani. He married Baji-amui. The Puroik are the children of Baji-amui. Her sons include Do and Sulo, Khyun and Khya – all are Puroik ancestors. Then, they arrived in Chamchu Nive. He says that the earliest mothers of the Puroik people were Nə-amui and Nə-narang. At that time, the spirits and humans were brothers. In Chamchu Nive, they parted ways. The spirits took to the spirit realm and people became more human-like. He names the Puroik forefathers in successive generations: Chhuey, Buey, Naraak, Dungno-Chaado-Yəlo (three brothers). The story has arisen from Dungno-Chaado-Yəlo. At first, there were no Nyishi in these lands. Only the Puroik were there at first. Dungno's sons are the present-day Kasuang people living in Yakli or Surung Kasuang village. Dungno's sons Byeng and Sung, both gave rise to the present day Surung and Byale villages. He goes on to list the generations after ancestor Byeng are as follows: ancestor Khyak, ancestor Kaley, ancestor Kraa, ancestor Duey, ancestor Shenya, ancestor Rekhya, ancestor Reidung, ancestor Dəng. Ancestor Dəng was the father of Abyu Kasuang and the genealogy leads up to his daughter Mayang Kasuang, through whom the present generation descends. Abyu Kasuang shares that the father of non-tribals was named Kojam. The ancestors of different groups of people came together, he says. In Puroik, the Chinese are called Topo. He says he has learnt the Oral history from his elders by staying up with them for 4-5 nights. He shares his motivation to learn the Oral history. Events in his early life moved him to seek the truth and knowledge of generations. That is the tale he is reciting. He stores it in his heart, and has memorised it. He keeps encouraging young Puroik children to ask and learn about the oral history of their people. He appreciates the interviewer's effort to record the Puroik oral history. He shares how when he visits schools, he challenges and encourages the children to not forget their own language. [Archivist's note: Tungmaing in Puroik is the word for grandfather, or in general a male ancestor] He shares that their mother was Baji-amui, and father was Abotani. Baji-amui went into the Himalayan mountains after giving birth to her children. He draws a parallel between the Puroik oral history and the tale of genesis in the Bible. He moves to food habits that relate to fitness for life in the mountains. He shares some advice for younger people in the modern times to lead purposeful, healthy lives, and reflects on how advice for hard work is different based on occupation and lifestyle for different people. He speaks of a time in the past when salt, being so scarce, was brought from trade with China in the older times. Ash was more commonly used day-to-day. He also shares the tale of Drə-yadə-amui and the importance of the Palm, Tabua (a fern) and Muang (a tree fern) for survival. He illustrates how old the Palms are, thousands of years, in his words. He shares the origin of the Vyeh people, and also the search for habitable land by Do-Sulo, ancestors of the Puroik people in East Kameng. Do-Sulo had six sons, descendants of whom form the present-day clans of the Puroik people. The Puroik people, according to the Oral history, are the youngest sons among all people in India. Abyu Kasuang demands to know why the Puroik don't have political representation, including no MLA elected from their community or a district assigned for the Puroik. He condemns the oppression that the Puroik have had to face and demands progress for the community. He comments on how the knowledge of extracting sago from vegetatively growing sago palms meant security and higher status for the Puroik in the past, which was eroded over time. He speaks of Meerua, the spirit elder, who spoke a similar language as the people but parted ways from humans, but continue to keep crossing paths with humans in the present. He also shares how different groups of people originated as children to Abotani in the past and over time, languages separated. He then speaks of the importance of speaking a language in order to preserve it. OH-008-32-1b Abyu Kasuang emphasises the importance of knowing one's language and oral history, and how this knowledge builds character and credibility for young people. They should know the story from thousands of years, of how their ancestors have lived on these lands. He narrates the events when Do-Sulo pursue and find the Vyeh people. Abyu Kasuang shares how understanding the oral history and genealogy of his own tribe translates to an understanding of law in his homeland. He emphasises how people can die any day but the spoken word will never disappear and should be passed on to the next generation. He describes how the Oral history chronicles the origin of many things in Puroik homelands. Meerua, or the spirit elder, had once taken the real Kaiko (sago processing station) that was given by the creator to the Puroik people. He shares the different items that were given to the Puroik people in the beginning, many of which were taken back, except fire. He briefly shares the events that happened when their mother sent Abotani to find his daughter, restricting a few actions on his way. He disobeys her and their mother leaves, feeling disappointed. He shares what happened after that. When asked about the origin of the Palm, Abyu Kasuang shares that when different foods were being distributed to different groups of people, the Puroik people received the Palm – not rice, not Apung etc. He describes a time when there was famine in the world and the Puroik people helped other people also survive with sago. He shares the history of when water filled the entire world. He shares that the Palm, Muang and Tabua were given at the same time as sources of food, and also the tale of how the Palm got fibres in its pith. He comments on Abotani's neglect of his wife and its consequences for Puroik people. He reiterates the onward journey from Narba, where ancestors of all people were assembled, leading onto the need for separation of different languages. He concludes with a message of not losing one's own language. [Archivist's note: The speaker refers to the past with the word 'future' sometimes, but in essence meaning the knowledge of the past of his people.] [Archivist's note: It was unclear in the early period of the research if Do and Sulo were regarded as two separate ancestors or a single ancestor. They are brothers who both married Vyeh-amui and have six sons, who gave rise to several clans of the Puroik at present. They are sometimes collectively referred to as one name, in which case denoted as Do-Sulo, and in other instances referred to separately and denoted as Do and Sulo.] Time-stamped section headings OH-008-32-1a (00:00:49) The sequence of places along the migration routes of Puroik ancestors and names of generations of Puroik people leading up to the speaker's child. [00:13:30 to 00:13:58 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:13:59) The speaker's motivation to seek and memorise the Oral history, invoking his memories from early childhood. The speaker's emphasis on younger generations valuing the Oral history. [00:22:48 to 00:22:57 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:23:51) The tale of Abotani and Baji-amui. The speaker's reflection on Puroik oral history and the story of creation in the Bible. (00:37:36) Scarcity of salt as a commodity, travelling to China to trade for salt, and the use of ash for cooking in the past. The tale of Drə-yadə-amui and the clustering habit and reliability of the Palm. Brief discussion on interviewer learning the Puroik language. (00:46:09) The origin of Vyeh people, Do-Sulo's search for habitable places. [00:49:14 to 00:50:48 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:50:49) Political under-representation of the Puroik people in the present day, including lack of MLA from the community and absence of an assigned district. Highlighting limited opportunities and demands for ways to enable progress for the Puroik people. The relationship between the Puroik and the spirit elder, Meerua. [00:51:22 to 00:51:36, 00:52:41 to 00:52:59 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:56:01) Abotani, the father of all people, who were together in Narba and the segregation of languages subsequently. OH-008-32-1b (00:03:17) Describing how Do-Sulo found the Vyeh people. (00:14:38) A discussion on the breadth of events and origin stories chronicled in the Oral history. (00:29:21) The origin of the Palm, Muang (a tree fern) and Tabua (a fern), and the time when water filled up the entire world in the Oral history. The tale about fibres in the trunk about the Palm, the onward journey from Narba for the Puroik ancestors, and the appearance of distinct languages in the past.

In this brief recording, Mechha Mechidu names six varieties of the Palm she cultivates, Misa, Beyryong, Nichve, Nijya, Metchi Mapyong, and Matchinyo. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Names of six varieties of the Palm cultivated by the speaker.

In this recording, Mechha Mechidu shares two Puroik songs, one about Chakoing and Chanoing and the other about the method of sago processing, addressed to young children. Time-stamped section headings [00:00:00 to 00:03:16 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:03:16) Song about Chakoing and Chanoing. [00:04:34 to 00:07:26 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:07:26) Puroik song about sago processing. [00:08:00 to 00:09:11 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

In this interview, Cho Kasuang and Mero Kasuang share the names and identifying features of the Palm varieties they cultivate. The varieties they raise include Matchinyo, Nisa, Beyryong, Matchikhyaik, Makung, Nijvay, Machyong. He outlines which varieties open the leaf sheath and which ones don't. He shares how to identify differences in the leaves and in the stem as well. The best quality of sago, he says along with his wife, is of Makung and Matchinyo varieties. Beyryong, which has entirely white sago yields a slimy consistency of sago. Misa also results in a very slimy consistency of sago after cooking. All varieties are processed in the same manner. The bulkier varieties take longer to cut for processing. Some varieties like Makung bear fewer suckers and arise from under the ground. On the other hand, Nisa, Beyryong and Matchinyo bear numerous suckers. Matchinyo is the most abundant. He talks about different roles played by men and women in replanting and processing of the Palm. Generally, men tend to the Palm groves and women process sago at the processing station. In earlier times, there was a shortage of rice and people depended on sago very much. Due to this reason, the pressure to keep making sago was very high. At present, however, the availability of rice allows for some time off from processing sago. He shares that when eating rice, it is necessary to be eaten with foraged vegetables. Cho Kasuang also shares that one stem that is long and wide can yield five pieces and thus, one load of sago. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:31) Names and descriptions of the varieties of the Palm raised by the speaker. (00:05:23) Discussion on sago quality and fibre content of the Palm varieties. A brief discussion on relative abundance of the varieties. (00:11:07) Gendered roles in raising the Palm and sago processing steps and methods. (00:13:07) Difficulty of procuring food in the past and prevalence of rice in the present. [00:13:36 to 00:14:12 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

OH-008-35-1a Adak Mechidu grows six varieties of the Palm in his groves and names the following varieties: Beyryong – 2 clusters, Majya, Misa, Makung, Matchinyo. When asked whether he also grows Satte variety as well, he affirms it's there as well and has a very wide stem. OH-008-35-1b In this recording, a day before going to see clusters of the Palm raised by Adak Mechidu, he shares the names of varieties he is growing and how many clusters of each we could find. When asked how to identify Majya variety, he shares that the diagnosis happens in the shape of the leaf and the leaflets. It was raining heavily in those days, hence he is discussing some logistics along with Melo Mechidu and Mansi Dhingra by the end of the recording. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-35-1a (00:00:00) Naming varieties of the Palm he has cultivated. OH-008-35-1b (00:00:00) Sharing how many clusters of each variety he is raising. (00:01:23) Identifying Majya variety by appearance. (00:02:26) Discussing plans to visit the grove and the varieties the following day.

OH-008-35-2a In this interview, Adak Mechidu shows us a cluster in his grove that belongs to Majya variety. He goes on to explain its identification characters, beginning by the leaf. The leaflets grow outwards and in a concave manner, to our best interpretation. The mother stem when planted was very wide. The diagnosis of a variety happens best in the leaf characters, he shares. The mother stem bears several young suckers. Majya has a good yield of sago, he shares. One stem can yield up to two loads of sago. He considers Majya to be the best variety of sago. While all are more or less the same, some have higher yield and some others have less. The petiole of this variety is expected to be very thick, thicker than Beyryong even. Makung is also a variety with larger leaf and stem characters. Its sago though has less fibre, and more sago - making it very easy to extract sago. Majya also has less fibre, so is similar again to Makung. But, in comparison, Matchinyo has a lot of fibre and is much harder to process. [Archivist's note: Adak Mechidu later appeared to conflate the two varieties of the Palm, possibly due to age-related memory lapses. As such, his account may be considered partial or subject to interpretation.] OH-008-35-2b In this recording, Adak Mechidu explains distinguishing characters of Nichve variety. He explains that differences are visible in the leaves. Chatang Mechidu pitched in during the recording to explain how to identify Nichve from other varieties. He said that the petiole/rachis is thicker for the Nichve variety. It bears many young suckers though the breed is rare among all the varieties. He exclaimed how the Palms were being destroyed by Mithun and rain. In the earlier days, people would keep maintaining their groves. They would leave three leaves on the stem and remove the rest of the drying leaves and lay them on the ground. These days, because of non-tribal influence, things have changed. People feel lazy and don't feel obligated to maintain their groves. In the present, people don't even farm much. However, in the past, no matter what the weather was, people went to maintain their groves and kept working hard. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-35-2a (00:00:13) Identification of Majya variety by appearance. (00:02:22) Quality of sago of Majya variety. (00:04:54) Difference between Makung, Matchinyo and Majya varieties. OH-008-35-2b (00:00:05) Identification of Nichve variety by appearance. (00:01:24) Maintenance of Palm clusters in the past.

In this interview, Chatang Kasuang describes the variety Satte next to a cluster in a Palm grove. He begins by describing how it can be identified in its appearance, and how the groves should be maintained. He goes on to share how naive or stupid one may feel entering into the town not knowing how to read and write. He describes the circumstances in his childhood that did not allow him to get school education. He also shares the difficulty of life in the past for the Puroik people. At present, he says, people are understanding their rights and the law and exercising it to live more peacefully. Shifting back to the Palm variety Satte, he shares that the variety was brought from across the Kameng river. Between Makung and Satte varieties of the Palm, there are identifiable differences outlined by him. He also touches upon why these varieties are rarer than some others. Satte, he says, has powdery pith and yields more sago. During the recording, he shows young bamboo sprouts of the Micha variety. They have thorns and as explained by Chatang Mechidu, the raised variety of Micha bamboo lacks thorns. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:10) Discussing Satte variety, its appearance, sago quality and maintenance of the Palms. [00:02:12 to 00:02:26 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:02:27) About resistance to getting education in the speaker's childhood and sharing the plight of Puroik people in the past. [00:02:55 to 00:03:03, 00:04:38 to 00:05:00, and 00:05:10 to 00:06:32 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:07:28) The place where Satte variety was brought from, difference between Makung and Satte varieties, and difference between wild and raised Micha bamboo.

This interview takes place in an outdoor setting, where Aro Kasuang is making a mat from bamboo. He is accompanied by a group of people, including Melo Kasuang, Cho Kasuang and Mariam Kasuang at different points, who encourage him to share and also pitch in themselves. It begins with a discussion about the Palm varieties raised by Aro Kasuang. He talks about Makung, Misa, Beyryong, Matchinyo, Nijvay and Machyong varieties, describing their identifying features and the sago quality of each variety. He answers questions about the phenology of the Palm, when the stem contains maximum starch, and the stages of multiple inflorescences. He shares a story of how Misa variety yields less sago if its name is pronounced while making sago. Another palm, a member of the genus Wallichia, is found near the rivers and on cliffs, called Taale metchi. It doesn't have starch storage and is left undisturbed. He shares the tale related to Taale metchi and mentions the river spirit, who raises Taale metchi, fish and other animals dependent on the river. The process of making sago is very laborious and more difficult during peak winters than in summers, he explains. He shares how the Palm stem is prepared for processing, and how the pseudobark is removed. He speaks of snakes that can be found in the Palm groves in summers and during rains. He speaks of life in the past, how people had to be very careful and preferred living in the interior of the forest to avoid intruders. He shares how fires would be ignited in the past using materials from the Palm, a white stone and bamboo sometimes. The Palm can be quick to catch fire in the dry season as the fibres on its outer covering dry up entirely. If a fire is lit in the surrounding area, it can reach the Palm grove and burn entire Palms. He says that a Palm cannot survive fire as it will kill the meristem, no leaves would emerge and no sago would be stored. He then shares that the Puroik people made cloth from a herb in the forest and slippers from the outer covering of the Palm. Aro Kasuang shares how different parts of a Palm stem were used in a variety of ways. Time-stamped section headings (00:01:24) Descriptions of the varieties of the Palm cultivated by the speaker, the phenology of the Palm, and unpredictable yield of sago from Misa variety (00:14:30) The story associated with the non-starch-producing palm, Taale metchi (Wallichia sp.) and the spirit of the river. (00:20:56) The steps involved in processing sago, names of the parts of a Palm stem, and preparing the stems for sago processing. (00:34:07) Snakes to be found in the Palm groves and surroundings, and methods to prevent snakebites. [00:35:55 to 00:35:55, 00:39:57 to 00:40:01, and 00:41:59 to 00:42:25 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:42:26) Tools for self-defence in the past and how fires were ignited reliably even on-the-go during the wet season. [00:44:10 to 00:44:21, 00:45:03 to 00:45:10, 00:48:12 to 00:48:15, and 00:48:26 to 00:51:39 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:51:40) Puroik knowledge and practice of making cloth from a forest herb, slippers from the outer covering of the Palm and waterproof covers for cane bags.

OH-008-38-1a Siang Kasuang shares her knowledge of the Palm, oral history accounts related to the Palm, its varieties and her observations on the suitable growing environment of the Palm. She shares that in the earliest time, the Palm had starch in flowing form and people could tap into it to collect the starch. When men and women fought in the past, the sago stopped flowing and people had to process the sago through an elaborate method as in the present day. The Palm could also walk on its own and would go to the Kaiko (processing station) on its own till the time a dog mocked the Palm for walking and due to shame, it stopped. This meant people had to carry the Palm to the Kaiko. When they would collect processed sago in their baskets and return home, the sago would drip from the baskets onto their clothes and to the ground. It would leave a trail on the path, which would shine in the sunlight. Looking at it, Krii-amui (the Sun goddess) said that the food of Nisve-adu or the Puroik people was very beautiful and very good. The Palm as well as all the varieties were given to the Puroik people from above. She tells us that the first Palm to exist was called Matchisik and later, other varieties were given names. At the same time, she shares that Krii-amui mixed the seeds of all varieties and threw them on the land from above. She recollects a song about the Palm and shares its lyrics, which capture the olden times when their ancestors lived in the forest, rather than village settlements and how they lived consuming sago. At present, people farm and eat rice as well. Siang Kasuang and Melo Kasuang estimate the number of years it would take a Palm to mature and use their memory of MLA elections to determine the age. They agree that the Palms planted at the time of one election had been harvested and consumed in a five-year period when the next election happened. They both discuss how big the variety Makung is in the western areas, in Rawa, for example. They say that the health of the varieties is mirrored in the health of people also. In colder areas of Sawa circle, both people and Palms are thinner as they struggle against the weather more. Siang Kasuang shares that in the past, cloth was made from Khryag, shoes were made from the Palm and combs were also made of wood. The interview ends with a discussion of how a cluster progresses from the time a single parent stem is planted to when successive stems begin to be thinner. Siang Kasuang also shares how rocks inhibit better growth for the Palms and how to maintain a cluster for longer. OH-008-38-1b Siang Kasuang shares about Taale metchi, a different species of palms (Wallichia sp.), that appears close to streams in Puroik homelands. She shares that this species is used in a shaman's ritual to cure people's illnesses by communicating with the spirits. Taale metchi is raised by the spirit of the stream and is left undisturbed as much as possible to prevent anger from the spirit. There are many spirits, one of the streams, one of the jungle and one of the snakes for example. Melo Kasuang shares a memory of her late father's experience, who was a practicing shaman. She shares how a shaman's heart and mind are different from other people and draws similarity between people who read the bible and who were shamans. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-38-1a (00:00:00) Tales associated with the Palm, of the sago flowing from the Palm and a dog mocking the Palm for walking to the Kaiko (processing station). Tale about Krii-amui (Sun goddess) shining on the sago dripping from baskets when carried by people and calling it a beautiful food. (00:08:25) Song related to the Palm and its meaning. (00:11:!1) About varieties of the Palm and how men who maintain and vegetatively propagate the Palms know about varieties more. Origin of the Palm and its varieties. Estimating the age of maturation of the Palm in relation to MLA elections. (00:27:58) Discussing about the Makung variety and suitable growing environment of the Palm. (00:41:44) Making clothes, shoes and comb in the past. [00:53:28 to 00:55:25 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:55:26) On maintaining a cluster and suitable soil for replanting young suckers. OH-008-38-1b (00:00:00) Use and meaning of Taale metchi (Wallichia sp.) in ritual/worship and the reason for avoiding disturbing it in daily life. (00:05:59) Sharing about different inhabitants of the spirit realm and a shaman's rituals.

OH-008-39-1a In this interview, Mato Kasuang shares her knowledge of the Palm – its varieties, their cultivation, the origin of the Palm and comments on the shared future of the Puroik people and the Palm. She also answers questions about life in the past, size and distribution of villages and rearing livestock like pigs, goats, fowl and Mithun. She begins by sharing she had planted a cluster of Palm herself when she was younger. It is generally men's duty to replant suckers and raise clusters in groves. She names the varieties grown in her groves – Beyryong, Misa, Nijvay, Majya, Damang, Making, Matchinyo, and Matchikhyaik. She explains how these varieties have differences in the appearance of their leaves, stem and sago colour quality. Mero Kasuang, while translating, also shares that the oldest clusters now have thin stems and newly planted ones are thicker. Mato Kasuang says that the Palm has been there since the oldest times. It was the food given by the creator. She mentions Kua Krung, the place where fruits of the Palm were thrown by the creator. Speaking of the suitable growing environment of the Palm, she says that it needs good soil. A young sucker planted in an area of good soil, without rocks, grows well. She also shares about the phenology of the Palm, saying that the first indications of maturity appear on the top of the stem, when the leaf bud is small. Small leaves are signs that there is starch in the stem and it is ready for harvest till a little after the stem has borne fruits. She shares that a stem takes a long time to reach this stage, illustrated by the cluster she had planted in her youth and only harvested some time ago in her old age. Speaking of songs related to the Palm, she shares that there used to be songs in the ancient past, but she doesn't know. When asked about jhum farming, she says that people used to have very small plots of jhum fields earlier. These days, they make larger plots of jhum. Villages in the earlier times were different. People generally lived far away near Palm groves and in independent households rather than in a settled village, she shares. Villages like Surung Kasuang were settled after the government arrived. Reflecting on the difficulty of life in the past, she also shares how there weren't any clothes or utensils and hardly any yield of rice either. She shares that livestock like pigs, goats, fowl, cows and Mithun have always been there. She also connects with a portion of the Oral history, according to which the Puroik people were given all these animals to raise, but they slaughtered and ate the Mithun, being unable to raise it. That deed carries forward to the present, she says, as the Puroik are able to raise only limited Mithun. She shares how the knowledge of raising the Palm and making sago were passed on from generation-to-generation. When children went with their parents to the groves or the sago processing station, they observed and learnt how to raise the Palm. When asked if the Palm could disappear in the future, she commented that if protected from Mithun who eat the leaves of the Palm, it will not disappear as it keeps growing vegetatively. OH-008-39-1b Continuing the interview, Mato Kasuang shares how she does not feel sure if the future generations of the Puroik will continue to depend on the Palm. As life changes, she thinks children will be more attracted to the town and not learn sago preparation if they had jobs. Before closing the interview, she helps understand the variety Damang in terms of its appearance, and how different varieties compare to each other. Both Mero and Mato Kasuang prefer sago of the Nijvay variety. Finally, Mero Kasuang shares about a rodent that lives in the Palm clusters called Aslua. Time-stamped section headings OH-008-39-1a (00:00:00) Background of the speaker. (00:01:18) On raising the Palm and its varieties. (00:12:37) The origin of the Palm, practices surrounding the cultivation of the Palm and its varieties, suitable growing environment of the Palm, clustering habit of the Palm, ancient songs about the Palm and extent of jhum farming in the past. [00:30:30 to 00:41:12 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:41:15) Size of villages and raising pigs and goats in the past. [00:43:22 to 00:45:00, 00:45:12 to 00:49:08, and 00:51:15 to 00:54:35 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:57:08) Learning to raise the Palm and discussion on the future of the reliance of Puroik people on the Palm. OH-008-39-1b (00:02:44) Discussion on varieties of the Palm - Damang, Makung, Nijvay, Matchinyo, Beyryong and Machyong, and discussion on their identifying characteristics. Animals taking shelter in the Palm stems.

In this interview, Mere Mecha shares the names of Palm varieties that she raises in her groves. She shares that she is from a place close to Chamchu Nive and got married into Lower Mecha village. She says that her father had passed but her uncle lived close by. In her groves at higher elevations, she says that she was growing many varieties. She raises the varieties Makung, Mapyong, Beyryong, Nilau, Kacha Damang, Satte, and Nisa. Both Satte and Makung are very big stems. She also raises Matchichuik. During the interview, she also asks Khyak Mechidu if he raises Matchichuik, to which he responds by saying he had never heard of it. She also names a variety called Kua Krung metchi. When asked how many clusters of Nilau she had, she says there may be one or two clusters. She also names Nichve variety. She really likes the sago of Makung variety as well as Nichve. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Background of the speaker. (00:01:01) Names of varieties of the Palm raised by the speaker.

In this short recording, Abak Kasuang recounts the struggles of her youth, the challenges of Puroik people's life in the past. She speaks of how people kept making yarn from the plant called Khryag even while walking, on their way to someplace else. They would have to keep making sago. Life in the past, she recalls, was very difficult. She sings two songs, one in praise of Jesus in Nyishi language and the other teaching kids about the sago-making process in Puroik language. The words are, "Pakhyo-adumui haye va, Pakhyo-adufu haye va, Kaiko ta hase hase ro". It translates to, "Oh non-tribal daughter, oh non-tribal son, this is how we go to the Kaiko to make sago". (The song can be addressed to Puroik children or other children depending on the audience.) Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) The difficulty of life in the past [00:00:46 to 00:01:12 Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] (00:01:39) Christian song (00:02:40) Background of the speaker (00:04:12) Puroik song about sago-making

In this interview, Sung Mechidu shares about the varieties of the Palm he cultivates along with two other vegetatively propagated plants. His wife, Yajik Mechidu and an elder from Mecha village, Yalang Mecha, also accompany him in the interview. He recalls a time when people would carry loads of sago from his village towards Kurung Kumey across a high mountain peak. He and his wife say that it was because of scarcity of food in that area, in Kaapo CO Post in Kurung Kumey. Yajik Mechidu, who is from Kurung Kumey, confirmed that while they cultivated the Palm in Kurung Kumey too, there wasn't enough sago yield from them due to unusual weather events. The starch was very watery, they say. Sung says that friends on this side would then supply sago to that side. All three people share that most wives in Mechidu and neighbouring villages on his side are from Kurung Kumey. The reason he says it is so, is because the people inter-married following the supply of sago and also offered the bride price for the women from those villages. Sung Mechidu goes on to share and ask about house construction in bigger cities as compared to the village. He speaks of the importance of education for kids these days. Yalang Mecha invites the interviewer to sing a Puroik song and also sings a couple of Puroik songs herself about life in the past. Time-stamped section headings (00:01:23) Varieties of rice cultivated by the speaker. (00:03:14) Exchange of sago between speaker's village and villages in Kurung Kumey across a high mountain peak. (00:11:28) About house construction in big cities vs remote villages in Arunachal Pradesh. (00:13:01) Singing older Puroik songs and on-the-spot songs.

In this recording, Yaru Yano Mechidu shares a song sung by older folk about an unproductive day. The lyrics of the song reveal the overthinking and indecisiveness that results from it. The song suggests that the person has had a day where they were unable to do any work during the day and felt an inability to decide or work. They were unable to source any food, or lay any traps. Not having made anything the whole day, the day passes and the night as well. The person thinks of the past and of the future and nothing gets done. The person keeps thinking of all the work that needs to be done, like foraging for vegetables, but remains indecisive. They don't go to make sago, to farm or to make any handcrafted items for daily use. They keep thinking of the past and the future in vain. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:00) Puroik song about the worries accompanying an unproductive day.

OH-008-44-1 [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-44-1_translation [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] Time-stamped section headings OH-008-44-1 [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in] OH-008-44-1_translation [Restricted access. Contact archives@ncbs.res.in]

Mr. Kashok Halley offers his account of the genealogical record of the Puroik people. In his youth, he travelled to many villages asking elders for the Oral History and collated a written document with the genealogical descent of the Puroik people. He explains how the Puroik people have descended and travelled from Mangpi Lo to the presently settled villages. He says that the Puroik people believe the sky and land to be their mother and father. Bre-Lo gave birth to the land – stone, trees, snake, fish and bee. Then, Nii Tagung gave birth to the crocodile, river, and Meerua (the spirit elder). He says that the tiger and lion were first created on the Earth. He speaks of Tro Lo as the name of a birthplace. Bre Lo gave birth to man and woman. Then, the first son was born - he was the ancestor of the Tibetan people. Nido Kapi was the mother of Bajido, who was the mother of Puroik people. And then non-tribals were born. Nido's sons include Khyun Khya, who arrived in Chamchu Nive and Pulojaria. Chamchu Nive is in East Kameng, in present-day Khenewa circle. Pulojaria is in Kurung Kumey, in Sarle circle. Khyun Khya's children include Machipua and Machungpua. Do-Sulo's mother is Nipo Chuichi. Her children include Nuang, Mueng, Nari, Baji, Jado, Nueng, Kueng, Chakueng, Tung, Nung, Tamang, Taro, Kungsi, Chadak, Chalaak, Kungsang, Zueik, Chavoik, Suek, Suetung. We are Suetung's children. There are three major clan groups: Kuyu, Jaango, Kanhiye. Kuyu has 12 clans, Jaango has 8 clans and Kanhiye has 4 clans in the eastern side, Chayangtajo and Kurung Kumey. Kashok Halley belongs to the Kuyu group and goes on to name the 12 clans among the Kuyu. He shares the names of a few generations of his ancestors. He shares the places where the Kuyu people first settled from Chamchu Nive, Pulojaria, Veo, Vasaa, Vata, Pauja, Tamak. He expresses the importance of documenting and remembering the oral history of the Puroik people and places the responsibility of following up on this on the younger generations. He shares how he began seeking and learning the Oral history and briefly speaks of his own research to collate the genealogy of the Puroik people. Time-stamped section headings (00:00:35) Village and background of the speaker. (00:05:44) Concern for disappearing knowledge and oral history of the Puroik community. (00:04:01) Introduction to the oral history of the Puroik people. (00:04:38) Narration of the genealogical descent of the Puroik people. (00:12:20) The motivation and memory of learning the Oral History in the speaker's youth.